The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

204
.
phonetically unrealized internal argument originates in the most embedded CP in (60).
In order to maintain the claim that the internal argument in (60) is externalized like in
Hebrew, one has to adopt a rather radical and totally ad hoc assumption that this
argument is not projected, but rather “climbs” all the way up exiting two cycles (CP
phases)! 41
The arguments presented above are sufficient to rule out (direct)
externalization in English. The mechanism readily available in the theory for longdistance
dependencies is the Op-movement. Accordingly, the analysis of (60a) will
have the representation in (61): 42
(61)
This book i is easy [ PP Op i to try [ CP t i [PRO to convince John [ CP t i [PRO to read t i ]]]]]
5.4.2.3 The specifier of the PP: One of the central issues bearing on the Opmovement
is the appropriateness of spec-PP to host the Op. In other words, the
question is whether this position is an A’-position.
A-positions are positions associated with theta-assignment or L-relatedness
(Chomsky 1981, 1993). Thus specifiers (and complements) of the lexical heads can be
considered A-positions. In the approach to P developed in chapter 2, Ps are functional,
rather than lexical heads, and therefore not theta-assigners. Even if some relaxation is
conceivable regarding Ps functioning as P R (e.g. locative Ps), P-to heading the PP in
object gap constructions is clearly not P R , as it introduces a predicative rather than an
argumental constituent (i.e. VP). Thus in this respect, there is no reason to view its
specifier as an A-position.
41 See Siloni (2002) and Reinhart and Siloni (2003), where the cycle (i.e. CP) is argued to be the
maximal domain for retaining (not assigning) a theta-role.
42 The possibility to iterate the embedded verbal constituent in object gap constructions is subject to
cross-linguistic variation. For instance, it is attested also in Rumanian (Grosu and Horvath 1987) (i). In
French and Italian, however, clausal iteration of the embedded verbal constituent is not allowed
(modulo restructuring verbs) (Cinque 1990) (ii). It should be noted here, that in languages where
iteration is attested, it is limited. The embedded clauses cannot be finite. I leave both the crosslinguistic
variation and the limitation on the iteration for future research.
(i) Aceste alune sînt greu [de încetat [ de ronţăit]]
These hazelnuts are hard stop-SUPINE gnaw-SUPINE
(SUPINE is a non-finite verbal form, Grosu and Horvath 1987, fn. 2)
(ii) *Ce livre ést facile [à essayer [ CP (de/à) lire]]
this book is easy to try to read