The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
199 . Consider further the following contrasts between the expletive subject construction and the TC (Chomsky 1977, 1981; Jones 1991, among others): If the tough A is followed by the for-PP phrase, expletive subject construction is two-ways ambiguous. The reason for the ambiguity is that the PP can be interpreted either as the Experiencer argument of the tough A, the syntactic realization of which is optional (50a), or as the subject of the embedded clause, introduced by the prepositional complementizer for (50b): (50) a. It is easy for the rich i [ CP [PRO i to do the hard work]] b. It is easy (for some people) [ CP for [ IP the rich to do the hard work]]. No such ambiguity is associated with the TC. The only interpretation it has is the one corresponding to (50a) with the coindexed PRO, as shown in (51a): (51) a. Hard work is easy for the rich i [PRO i to do] 36 b. *Hard work is easy (for some people) [for the rich to do] On the clausal Op-movement analysis of the TC, the obligatory coreference in (51a) will have to be interpreted as an instance of obligatory control of the PRO subject by the Experiencer of the tough A. Notice that, even if obligatory control is at play in the TC, it does not entail that the subject position of the embedded clause has to be realized as PRO, as clear from (52): (52) a. John i wanted PRO i to leave. b. John wanted for Bill to leave. Finally, a lexical subject disjoint in reference from the Experiencer can be introduced in the expletive subject construction (53a). This is completely impossible in the TC (53b). The noted contrast is accounted for, given that (i) the second PP is necessarily the subject of the embedded clause, as the tough A can realize only one 36 I use PRO here only to illustrate the relevant interpretation. By assumption, the embedded constituent in the TC does not have PRO.
200 . Experiencer, and (ii) there is no subject position in the embedded constituent in the TC: (53) a. It is easy for the rich [for the poor to do the hard work]. b. *Hard work is easy for the rich [for the poor to do]. In light of the above, the embedded constituent of object gap constructions (to- VP) is not on a par with an infinitival CP. The morpheme to is not T, and the constituent lacks subject position. In what follows, I will show that to-VP in English is on a par with the le NP in Hebrew. 5.4.2 The analysis Since to is not T, classifying it as P is natural. After all, to is a preposition. 37 It occurs in the Directional and Dative constructions as a Case-related P (P C ). The function of P-to in object gap constructions is clearly not P C , as its complement is verbal. Thus, like the Hebrew le-, the preposition to in object gap constructions lacks uninterpretable φ-features, namely it is P pred . As seen with regard to Hebrew P pred (le-), to realizing P pred is expected to remove the Case of its complement. This is strongly supported by the following observation (Cinque 1990). In English object gap constructions, both direct and indirect objects can be gapped (54). The latter, however, involves obligatory P-stranding (54b), which is indicative of Case-related movement (55a) (compare with (55b,c)) (cf. Chomsky 1981): 38 (54) a. John is easy to please b. John is easy to rely *(on). (55) a. John was relied *(on). b On whom did you rely? c. Whom did you rely on? 37 Williams (1984, fn. 2) views to as the only tenseless modal. 38 It is worth noting that by mentioning this, I do not mean to imply that object gap constructions involve A-movement. I present the phenomenon at this stage only to support the claim that to removes Accusative Case. I will discuss the consequences of the removal of Accusative in subsection 5.4.2.4.
- Page 167 and 168: 148 combination with a path denotin
- Page 169 and 170: 150 4.4.1 Evidence for the Small Cl
- Page 171 and 172: 152 4.4.2 Projections of a Locative
- Page 173 and 174: 154 (81) a. on pologayets y a na Sa
- Page 175 and 176: 156 4.4.3 Modification by Locative
- Page 177 and 178: 158 c. *ha-sefer še-/ašer al ahav
- Page 179 and 180: V. 48 The remaining alternatives, (
- Page 181 and 182: 162 b. ha-ec (še-) ba-ya’ar kara
- Page 183 and 184: 164 (99) a. ha-sefer (??/*hu) al ha
- Page 185 and 186: 166 Appendix: On some differences b
- Page 187 and 188: 168 (A.2) VP Agent V’ V VP Goal i
- Page 189 and 190: 170 Consequently, they are predicte
- Page 191 and 192: 172 5. P pred in object gap constru
- Page 193 and 194: 174 . Extending the proposal to Eng
- Page 195 and 196: 176 . Based on previous work, defin
- Page 197 and 198: 178 . specifier of an NP is the pos
- Page 199 and 200: 180 . possibility that in principle
- Page 201 and 202: 182 (19) a. the destruction of the
- Page 203 and 204: 184 . 5.2.5 Adverbial modification
- Page 205 and 206: 186 b. ha-yeled kal havana the-boy
- Page 207 and 208: 188 . Before I discuss the lexical
- Page 209 and 210: 190 . Passivization is taken to inv
- Page 211 and 212: 192 . already ΘSat ARB (see (37)).
- Page 213 and 214: 194 . The strongest empirical suppo
- Page 215 and 216: 196 . (i) Aspectual have: Jones (19
- Page 217: 198 . (iv) Adverbial placement: Fin
- Page 221 and 222: 202 . Consequently, the arguments o
- Page 223 and 224: 204 . phonetically unrealized inter
- Page 225 and 226: 206 . stranded. As already mentione
- Page 227 and 228: 208 5.5 The role of the le NP/PP in
- Page 229 and 230: 210 . be closed (or satisfied) synt
- Page 231 and 232: 212 b. *There is hard to believe [t
- Page 233 and 234: 214 . Following Higginbotham (1985)
- Page 235 and 236: 216 (85) a. ma’axal nora ze (lo)
- Page 237 and 238: 218 c. basar adom hu mazon (*ha-/*
- Page 239 and 240: 220 . Thus, it seems to be the case
- Page 241 and 242: 222 b. ha-oto i huva t i li-vdika [
- Page 243 and 244: 224 (105) a. dan [ VP [ V hevi] [ D
- Page 245 and 246: 226 . (111) dan [ VP hevi et ha-oto
- Page 247 and 248: 228 . In contrast, the adjectives i
- Page 249 and 250: 230 . The ECM/Raising SCs differ su
- Page 251 and 252: 232 . ‘found’) does not license
- Page 253 and 254: 234 Boškovič, Ž. 1994. “D-Stru
- Page 255 and 256: 236 Froud, K. 2001. “Prepositions
- Page 257 and 258: 238 Lasnik, H. 1999. Minimalist Ana
- Page 259 and 260: 240 Riemsdijk van, H. C. 1990. “F
- Page 261: 242 Williams, E. 1987. “Implicit
199<br />
.<br />
Consider further the following contrasts between the expletive subject<br />
construction and the TC (Chomsky 1977, 1981; Jones 1991, among others): If the<br />
tough A is followed by the for-PP phrase, expletive subject construction is two-ways<br />
ambiguous. <strong>The</strong> reason for the ambiguity is that the PP can be interpreted either as the<br />
Experiencer argument of the tough A, the syntactic realization of which is optional<br />
(50a), or as the subject of the embedded clause, introduced by the prepositional<br />
complementizer for (50b):<br />
(50) a. It is easy for the rich i [ CP [PRO i to do the hard work]]<br />
b. It is easy (for some people) [ CP for [ IP the rich to do the hard work]].<br />
No such ambiguity is associated with the TC. <strong>The</strong> only interpretation it has is the<br />
one corresponding to (50a) with the coindexed PRO, as shown in (51a):<br />
(51) a. Hard work is easy for the rich i [PRO i to do] 36<br />
b. *Hard work is easy (for some people) [for the rich to do]<br />
On the clausal Op-movement analysis of the TC, the obligatory coreference in<br />
(51a) will have to be interpreted as an instance of obligatory control of the PRO<br />
subject by the Experiencer of the tough A. Notice that, even if obligatory control is at<br />
play in the TC, it does not entail that the subject position of the embedded clause has<br />
to be realized as PRO, as clear from (52):<br />
(52) a. John i wanted PRO i to leave.<br />
b. John wanted for Bill to leave.<br />
Finally, a lexical subject disjoint in reference from the Experiencer can be<br />
introduced in the expletive subject construction (53a). This is completely impossible<br />
in the TC (53b). <strong>The</strong> noted contrast is accounted for, given that (i) the second PP is<br />
necessarily the subject of the embedded clause, as the tough A can realize only one<br />
36 I use PRO here only to illustrate the relevant interpretation. By assumption, the embedded<br />
constituent in the TC does not have PRO.