The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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199 . Consider further the following contrasts between the expletive subject construction and the TC (Chomsky 1977, 1981; Jones 1991, among others): If the tough A is followed by the for-PP phrase, expletive subject construction is two-ways ambiguous. The reason for the ambiguity is that the PP can be interpreted either as the Experiencer argument of the tough A, the syntactic realization of which is optional (50a), or as the subject of the embedded clause, introduced by the prepositional complementizer for (50b): (50) a. It is easy for the rich i [ CP [PRO i to do the hard work]] b. It is easy (for some people) [ CP for [ IP the rich to do the hard work]]. No such ambiguity is associated with the TC. The only interpretation it has is the one corresponding to (50a) with the coindexed PRO, as shown in (51a): (51) a. Hard work is easy for the rich i [PRO i to do] 36 b. *Hard work is easy (for some people) [for the rich to do] On the clausal Op-movement analysis of the TC, the obligatory coreference in (51a) will have to be interpreted as an instance of obligatory control of the PRO subject by the Experiencer of the tough A. Notice that, even if obligatory control is at play in the TC, it does not entail that the subject position of the embedded clause has to be realized as PRO, as clear from (52): (52) a. John i wanted PRO i to leave. b. John wanted for Bill to leave. Finally, a lexical subject disjoint in reference from the Experiencer can be introduced in the expletive subject construction (53a). This is completely impossible in the TC (53b). The noted contrast is accounted for, given that (i) the second PP is necessarily the subject of the embedded clause, as the tough A can realize only one 36 I use PRO here only to illustrate the relevant interpretation. By assumption, the embedded constituent in the TC does not have PRO.

200 . Experiencer, and (ii) there is no subject position in the embedded constituent in the TC: (53) a. It is easy for the rich [for the poor to do the hard work]. b. *Hard work is easy for the rich [for the poor to do]. In light of the above, the embedded constituent of object gap constructions (to- VP) is not on a par with an infinitival CP. The morpheme to is not T, and the constituent lacks subject position. In what follows, I will show that to-VP in English is on a par with the le NP in Hebrew. 5.4.2 The analysis Since to is not T, classifying it as P is natural. After all, to is a preposition. 37 It occurs in the Directional and Dative constructions as a Case-related P (P C ). The function of P-to in object gap constructions is clearly not P C , as its complement is verbal. Thus, like the Hebrew le-, the preposition to in object gap constructions lacks uninterpretable φ-features, namely it is P pred . As seen with regard to Hebrew P pred (le-), to realizing P pred is expected to remove the Case of its complement. This is strongly supported by the following observation (Cinque 1990). In English object gap constructions, both direct and indirect objects can be gapped (54). The latter, however, involves obligatory P-stranding (54b), which is indicative of Case-related movement (55a) (compare with (55b,c)) (cf. Chomsky 1981): 38 (54) a. John is easy to please b. John is easy to rely *(on). (55) a. John was relied *(on). b On whom did you rely? c. Whom did you rely on? 37 Williams (1984, fn. 2) views to as the only tenseless modal. 38 It is worth noting that by mentioning this, I do not mean to imply that object gap constructions involve A-movement. I present the phenomenon at this stage only to support the claim that to removes Accusative Case. I will discuss the consequences of the removal of Accusative in subsection 5.4.2.4.

199<br />

.<br />

Consider further the following contrasts between the expletive subject<br />

construction and the TC (Chomsky 1977, 1981; Jones 1991, among others): If the<br />

tough A is followed by the for-PP phrase, expletive subject construction is two-ways<br />

ambiguous. <strong>The</strong> reason for the ambiguity is that the PP can be interpreted either as the<br />

Experiencer argument of the tough A, the syntactic realization of which is optional<br />

(50a), or as the subject of the embedded clause, introduced by the prepositional<br />

complementizer for (50b):<br />

(50) a. It is easy for the rich i [ CP [PRO i to do the hard work]]<br />

b. It is easy (for some people) [ CP for [ IP the rich to do the hard work]].<br />

No such ambiguity is associated with the TC. <strong>The</strong> only interpretation it has is the<br />

one corresponding to (50a) with the coindexed PRO, as shown in (51a):<br />

(51) a. Hard work is easy for the rich i [PRO i to do] 36<br />

b. *Hard work is easy (for some people) [for the rich to do]<br />

On the clausal Op-movement analysis of the TC, the obligatory coreference in<br />

(51a) will have to be interpreted as an instance of obligatory control of the PRO<br />

subject by the Experiencer of the tough A. Notice that, even if obligatory control is at<br />

play in the TC, it does not entail that the subject position of the embedded clause has<br />

to be realized as PRO, as clear from (52):<br />

(52) a. John i wanted PRO i to leave.<br />

b. John wanted for Bill to leave.<br />

Finally, a lexical subject disjoint in reference from the Experiencer can be<br />

introduced in the expletive subject construction (53a). This is completely impossible<br />

in the TC (53b). <strong>The</strong> noted contrast is accounted for, given that (i) the second PP is<br />

necessarily the subject of the embedded clause, as the tough A can realize only one<br />

36 I use PRO here only to illustrate the relevant interpretation. By assumption, the embedded<br />

constituent in the TC does not have PRO.

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