The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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195 . Rather, it is a syntactic P-head that combines with a VP and externalizes the internal theta-role of the verb (i.e. it functions as P pred ), forming in syntax a predicative PP. Since P, as opposed to T, is not associated with a tense operator, the e variable of the verb embedded in the PP is not existentially bound and is available for modification. Thus, the PP is on a par with the le NP in Hebrew. Because the PP, unlike the le NP, is formed in syntax, externalization of the internal theta-role of the verb will be shown to result from OP-movement, as in (41): (41) [ PP Op i [ P’ to [ VP read t i ]]] In what follows, I will first establish the non-clausal nature of the to-VP sequence of object gap constructions. I will then discuss the details of externalization in English. 5.4.1 ‘to’-VP is not clausal As already mentioned, the clausal analysis of the to-VP sequence in object gap constructions stems from the identification of to as the infinitival tense marker realizing the functional syntactic head T, projecting a TP. The specifier of the TP, the canonical subject position, is assumed to be always projected and realized (regulated by the EPP in Chomsky 1981; predication in Chomsky 1995). Thus, the necessary result of the clausal analysis is that the embedded constituent has a subject position. In what follows I will argue that the morpheme to introducing the embedded constituent of object gap constructions does not behave as an infinitival tense marker (T), and that this constituent does not have a subject position. 31 5.4.1.1 to is not T: The following examination will show that the properties of to in Infinitival Relatives and expletive subject constructions are different from those in object gap constructions. Under the view that to is invariably T, this is not expected. 31 Kayne (2003) assumes that to in English is a preposition in any context, including the infinitival one. This assumption is viewed in Kayne (2003) as consistent with, or actually supported by, the fact that infinitival to allows stranding under movement, as typical of English Ps: (i) They predicted that John would have to resign, and resign he’ll have to. (Kayne 2003) I believe that although (i) shows that to has prepositional properties, this does not mean that every instance of to should be analyzed as P.

196 . (i) Aspectual have: Jones (1991) notes that the occurrence of the aspectual have is infelicitous in object gap constructions (42b,c), as opposed to its felicitous occurrence in the fully clausal Infinitival Relative (IR) (40a): 32,33 (42) a. “Moby Dick” is a famous book [ IR Op i [PRO to have read t i ]] (before you make it to college). b. ?? “Moby Dick” i will be easy [to have read e i ] (before you make it to college). c. *I bought it i [to have read e i ] (at least before graduating). The aspectual (perfective) have is claimed by Williams (1984) to occur only if T (an I-head in Williams’ terminology) is present, as it has to interact with it. The ungrammaticality of (42b,c) thus supports the claim that the verbal constituent in object gap constructions does not have a T-head. (ii) Non-intentional be: Williams (1984) notes that non-clausal constructions allow only intentional predicates after the copula, whereas clausal constructions admit both. Furthermore, Williams assumes a distinction between an auxiliary verb be (moving into T), and a main verb be (not moving into T). Only the latter is associated with intentional interpretation, and therefore is incompatible with non-intentional predicates (e.g. proud of). 34 Given this, consider the following contrast between the fully clausal IR (43a), and the object gap constructions (43b,c): (43) a. My son John is a boy [ CP to be proud of ] 32 Jones (1991) follows Williams (1984), where a distinction between fully clausal and non-clausal constructions is made. Williams argues that the alleged non-clausal constructions exhibit an array of properties (only some of which are illustrated in the text) that indicate that they do not have access to the I(nflectional) system in the way that full clauses do. The comparison in Jones (1991) is between Infinitival Relatives (IR), which are assumed to be clausal, and the verbal constituents in object gap constructions which, by hypothesis, are not clausal. 33 In Jones (1991) to is viewed as part of the VP, rather than as a distinct P-head (see 5.4.2 for some support for the latter). 34 As the two be can co-occur, it is possible to distinguish them using a potentially intentional predicate such as obnoxious. Thus John is obnoxious is ambiguous between intentional and non-intentional interpretation, whereas John is being obnoxious is only intentional, as the second be is a main verb be. Being intentional, it forces the intentional interpretation.

195<br />

.<br />

Rather, it is a syntactic P-head that combines with a VP and externalizes the internal<br />

theta-role of the verb (i.e. it functions as P pred ), forming in syntax a predicative PP.<br />

Since P, as opposed to T, is not associated with a tense operator, the e variable of the<br />

verb embedded in the PP is not existentially bound and is available for modification.<br />

Thus, the PP is on a par with the le NP in Hebrew. Because the PP, unlike the le NP, is<br />

formed in syntax, externalization of the internal theta-role of the verb will be shown<br />

to result from OP-movement, as in (41):<br />

(41) [ PP Op i [ P’ to [ VP read t i ]]]<br />

In what follows, I will first establish the non-clausal nature of the to-VP<br />

sequence of object gap constructions. I will then discuss the details of externalization<br />

in English.<br />

5.4.1 ‘to’-VP is not clausal<br />

As already mentioned, the clausal analysis of the to-VP sequence in object gap<br />

constructions stems from the identification of to as the infinitival tense marker<br />

realizing the functional syntactic head T, projecting a TP. <strong>The</strong> specifier of the TP, the<br />

canonical subject position, is assumed to be always projected and realized (regulated<br />

by the EPP in Chomsky 1981; predication in Chomsky 1995). Thus, the necessary<br />

result of the clausal analysis is that the embedded constituent has a subject position. In<br />

what follows I will argue that the morpheme to introducing the embedded constituent<br />

of object gap constructions does not behave as an infinitival tense marker (T), and that<br />

this constituent does not have a subject position. 31<br />

5.4.1.1 to is not T: <strong>The</strong> following examination will show that the properties of to<br />

in Infinitival Relatives and expletive subject constructions are different from those in<br />

object gap constructions. Under the view that to is invariably T, this is not expected.<br />

31 Kayne (2003) assumes that to in English is a preposition in any context, including the infinitival one.<br />

This assumption is viewed in Kayne (2003) as consistent with, or actually supported by, the fact that<br />

infinitival to allows stranding under movement, as typical of English Ps:<br />

(i)<br />

<strong>The</strong>y predicted that John would have to resign, and resign he’ll have to.<br />

(Kayne 2003)<br />

I believe that although (i) shows that to has prepositional properties, this does not mean that every<br />

instance of to should be analyzed as P.

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