The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
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190<br />
.<br />
Passivization is taken to involve the removal of Accusative and suppression of<br />
the external argument of the verb (cf. Jaeggli 1986). I will take the specific similarity<br />
to passive highlighted above (34) to indicate that le- in (30) removes Genitive Case of<br />
the nominal. 22<br />
This may seem as a strange state of affairs, as we are not familiar with<br />
prepositions that remove Case, quite the opposite. Nevertheless, this, I claim, is what<br />
le- functioning as P pred does. As mentioned before, prepositions either have φ-features<br />
enabling them to check Case, or they have an external slot and project property<br />
denoting PPs (e.g. about John). le- realizing P pred has neither; it cannot check Case, so<br />
it removes the Genitive Case feature of the nominal. Consequently, the relevant<br />
arguments of the nominal (Agent and <strong>The</strong>me, see (33)) cannot be realized in their<br />
theta-positions; the external one has to be saturated in the lexicon (see below), and the<br />
internal one is externalized. As a result, the nominal has an external slot and denotes a<br />
property. In other words, P pred (le-) creates a constituent ( le NP) that functions similarly<br />
to that of a property denoting PP.<br />
Let us clarify a bit further the status of the external argument (the Agent) of the<br />
nominal. It is well known that this argument can be suppressed, namely not projected<br />
syntactically. Non-projected arguments have to be saturated. Following Chierchia<br />
(1995), there are two types of saturation: ordinary saturation (i.e. “simple” existential<br />
closure) and ARB-saturation (Sat ARB , henceforth). Both bind the variable by<br />
existential closure. However, unlike regular saturation, Arbitrarization (Sat ARB )<br />
introduces a sortal restriction to humans that is both syntactically and semantically<br />
projected in the form of a distinguished index.<br />
It has been noted by Siloni (1997:91) that in Hebrew nominal contexts an Agent<br />
can be implicit only when it is [+human] ((36a) vs. (36b)), which is typical of<br />
Arbitrary (ARB) interpretation (see also Rizzi 1986, Cinque 1988, Szabolcsi 1992,<br />
1994):<br />
(36) a. haka’at ha-yeled (al-yedey axi-v) zi’aze’a otanu<br />
beating the-boy (by brother-his) shocked us<br />
“<strong>The</strong> beating of the boy (by his brother) shocked us.”<br />
22 Since the ability to check Accusative is contingent in nominals upon the realization of the (Genitive)<br />
Agent (33b), the removal of Genitive will automatically remove Accusative as well.