The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
177 . 5.2.2.1 Op-movement: The syntactic operation which turns an argumental CP into a predicative one (e.g. a relative CP, CP in object gap constructions) is the null operator (Op)-movement familiar from Chomsky 1977, Chomsky 1986, Browning 1987, Rothstein 2001, among others. For instance, in the relative clause (8a) and the English TC (8b), the Op generated in object position moves to spec-CP and binds its trace, creating an operator-variable chain rendering the CP predicative, a CP with an open position: (8) a. The book [ CP Op i that [ IP Dan bought t i ]] is interesting b. The book is easy [ CP Op i [ IP PRO to read t i ]] Let us consider whether a similar syntactic operation is plausible for the lenominal sequence in object gap constructions in Hebrew. The le-nominal sequence can be analyzed either as an NP (with le- affix), or as a PP. 6 If it is an NP, the Op base generated as the internal argument of the N, can move only to spec-NP, as shown in (9): (9) NP Op N’ N t It is rather obvious that the Op-movement in (9) is completely illicit, as the specifier of an NP is not an operator position, i.e. it is an A- rather than an A’- position. An A-position is a position where a theta-role can be assigned (Chomsky 1981). An A’- position is a landing site of an operator and is disassociated from thetaassignment. 7 By hypothesis, then, specifiers and complements of lexical projections (among them NPs) are A-positions. Indeed, it has been argued by various authors (Ritter 1988, Szabolcsi 1992, Siloni 1994, 1997 and references cited therein), that the 6 See 5.2.1, where based on the obligatory indefiniteness of the nominal, it is assumed that the nominal is not a DP. 7 The distinction between the two positions was redefined in Chomsky (1993) in terms of L- relatedness. The definition does not change the status of a specifier position of a lexical projection.
178 . specifier of an NP is the position of the external, Agent argument of an e-nominal such as ha-harisa šel ha-cava et ha-ir (‘the army’s destruction of the city’), as shown in (10). Spec-NP, therefore, is clearly not appropriate to host an operator. 8 (10) NP DP N’ the army’s N DP destruction the city If the discussed le-nominal sequence is a PP, then an additional position is available, the specifier of the PP: (11) PP Op P’ P le- NP N’ N t Even if the specifier of the PP headed by le- is an A’-position, (11) is problematic, as the Op moves out of the nominal. A’-movement out of nominals in Hebrew is not attested, as shown in (12): 9 8 If the nominal was a DP, then in addition to spec-NP, there was a spec-DP position which could, in principle, host an Op. Indeed, Op-movement into a specifier of a (modifier) DP is proposed in Siloni (1994, 1997) for semi-relatives. 9 Note that in the analysis of Hebrew semi-relatives in Siloni (1994, 1997), Op moves into spec-DP, i.e. the movement is within the nominal.
- Page 145 and 146: 126 (ii) Binding In the Hebrew Dati
- Page 147 and 148: 128 Let us assume that in (29a) the
- Page 149 and 150: 130 4.3 The Directional P Zwarts an
- Page 151 and 152: 132 (36) a. dan šalax praxim (le-r
- Page 153 and 154: 134 The incompatibility of Dative p
- Page 155 and 156: 136 (45) ha-tiyul le-hodu haya me
- Page 157 and 158: 138 rather an (elided) NP modified
- Page 159 and 160: 140 Consider now the English and Ru
- Page 161 and 162: 142 the Accusative Case in (56) is
- Page 163 and 164: 144 Modification by possessive dati
- Page 165 and 166: 146 use (63c), me- (‘from’) def
- Page 167 and 168: 148 combination with a path denotin
- Page 169 and 170: 150 4.4.1 Evidence for the Small Cl
- Page 171 and 172: 152 4.4.2 Projections of a Locative
- Page 173 and 174: 154 (81) a. on pologayets y a na Sa
- Page 175 and 176: 156 4.4.3 Modification by Locative
- Page 177 and 178: 158 c. *ha-sefer še-/ašer al ahav
- Page 179 and 180: V. 48 The remaining alternatives, (
- Page 181 and 182: 162 b. ha-ec (še-) ba-ya’ar kara
- Page 183 and 184: 164 (99) a. ha-sefer (??/*hu) al ha
- Page 185 and 186: 166 Appendix: On some differences b
- Page 187 and 188: 168 (A.2) VP Agent V’ V VP Goal i
- Page 189 and 190: 170 Consequently, they are predicte
- Page 191 and 192: 172 5. P pred in object gap constru
- Page 193 and 194: 174 . Extending the proposal to Eng
- Page 195: 176 . Based on previous work, defin
- Page 199 and 200: 180 . possibility that in principle
- Page 201 and 202: 182 (19) a. the destruction of the
- Page 203 and 204: 184 . 5.2.5 Adverbial modification
- Page 205 and 206: 186 b. ha-yeled kal havana the-boy
- Page 207 and 208: 188 . Before I discuss the lexical
- Page 209 and 210: 190 . Passivization is taken to inv
- Page 211 and 212: 192 . already ΘSat ARB (see (37)).
- Page 213 and 214: 194 . The strongest empirical suppo
- Page 215 and 216: 196 . (i) Aspectual have: Jones (19
- Page 217 and 218: 198 . (iv) Adverbial placement: Fin
- Page 219 and 220: 200 . Experiencer, and (ii) there i
- Page 221 and 222: 202 . Consequently, the arguments o
- Page 223 and 224: 204 . phonetically unrealized inter
- Page 225 and 226: 206 . stranded. As already mentione
- Page 227 and 228: 208 5.5 The role of the le NP/PP in
- Page 229 and 230: 210 . be closed (or satisfied) synt
- Page 231 and 232: 212 b. *There is hard to believe [t
- Page 233 and 234: 214 . Following Higginbotham (1985)
- Page 235 and 236: 216 (85) a. ma’axal nora ze (lo)
- Page 237 and 238: 218 c. basar adom hu mazon (*ha-/*
- Page 239 and 240: 220 . Thus, it seems to be the case
- Page 241 and 242: 222 b. ha-oto i huva t i li-vdika [
- Page 243 and 244: 224 (105) a. dan [ VP [ V hevi] [ D
- Page 245 and 246: 226 . (111) dan [ VP hevi et ha-oto
177<br />
.<br />
5.2.2.1 Op-movement: <strong>The</strong> syntactic operation which turns an argumental CP<br />
into a predicative one (e.g. a relative CP, CP in object gap constructions) is the null<br />
operator (Op)-movement familiar from Chomsky 1977, Chomsky 1986, Browning<br />
1987, Rothstein 2001, among others. For instance, in the relative clause (8a) and the<br />
English TC (8b), the Op generated in object position moves to spec-CP and binds its<br />
trace, creating an operator-variable chain rendering the CP predicative, a CP with an<br />
open position:<br />
(8) a. <strong>The</strong> book [ CP Op i that [ IP Dan bought t i ]] is interesting<br />
b. <strong>The</strong> book is easy [ CP Op i [ IP PRO to read t i ]]<br />
Let us consider whether a similar syntactic operation is plausible for the lenominal<br />
sequence in object gap constructions in Hebrew.<br />
<strong>The</strong> le-nominal sequence can be analyzed either as an NP (with le- affix), or as a<br />
PP. 6 If it is an NP, the Op base generated as the internal argument of the N, can move<br />
only to spec-NP, as shown in (9):<br />
(9) NP<br />
Op N’<br />
N<br />
t<br />
It is rather obvious that the Op-movement in (9) is completely illicit, as the<br />
specifier of an NP is not an operator position, i.e. it is an A- rather than an A’-<br />
position. An A-position is a position where a theta-role can be assigned (Chomsky<br />
1981). An A’- position is a landing site of an operator and is disassociated from thetaassignment.<br />
7 By hypothesis, then, specifiers and complements of lexical projections<br />
(among them NPs) are A-positions. Indeed, it has been argued by various authors<br />
(Ritter 1988, Szabolcsi 1992, Siloni 1994, 1997 and references cited therein), that the<br />
6 See 5.2.1, where based on the obligatory indefiniteness of the nominal, it is assumed that the nominal<br />
is not a DP.<br />
7 <strong>The</strong> distinction between the two positions was redefined in Chomsky (1993) in terms of L-<br />
relatedness. <strong>The</strong> definition does not change the status of a specifier position of a lexical projection.