The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
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173<br />
.<br />
In English the constituent embedded under the main predicate (e.g. the tough A,<br />
the main V) is introduced by to, and it is verbal. But in Hebrew the constituent<br />
introduced by the P-morpheme le- (‘to’) is nominal.<br />
<strong>The</strong> P-morpheme le- (‘to’) has been mentioned and discussed in chapter 4. It<br />
has been shown that in Hebrew it can appear in (at least) two syntactically distinct<br />
contexts, the Dative and the Directional constructions. In the former it is a Caserelated<br />
affix (P C ); in the latter, it is a predicate (P R ), though not a fully-fledged one (it<br />
has only an internal argument slot).<br />
le- (‘to’) in (1) introduces predicative constituents. This can be established given<br />
the following diagnostic: An argumental expression can be referred to by the<br />
appropriate pronoun (2a). This is impossible for a predicative constituent (2b):<br />
(2) a. ha-sefer i haya kal li-kri’a. hu i nikra tox xaci ša’a.<br />
the-book-masc.was easy to-reading-fem. It-masc. was-read inside half hour.<br />
“<strong>The</strong> book was easy to read. It was read in half an hour.”<br />
b. ha-sefer haya kal li-[kri’a] i . *hi i nimšexa xaci ša’a.<br />
the-book-masc. was easy to-reading-fem. It-fem. continued half hour.<br />
Since the complement of le- in object gap constructions (1) is a predicative<br />
phrase, it is unlikely that le- is a predicate (P R ); predicates combine with argumental,<br />
rather than predicative, phrases. It is equally unlikely to be Case-related (P C ), as only<br />
argumental nominals need to check their Case feature (Chomsky 1981, 1986). I label<br />
this not so familiar function of the prepositional element (i.e. le-) P pred . 2<br />
Based on the properties of the sequence ‘le-nominal’ in object gap constructions,<br />
I will argue that le- is a lexical prepositional affix (affixal P pred ). Its attachment to an<br />
event-denoting N results in a nominal element with an externalized theta-role (i.e. a<br />
nominal with an external argument slot, as posited for Ps like under, or As like nice),<br />
projecting an NP (rather than a PP, or a DP) (see sections 5.2, 5.3).<br />
2 As noted in Siloni (1994), Hebrew manner adverbials are mostly PPs headed by the P-morpheme be-<br />
(‘in’) (i). I leave the question what is the function of be- in this context for future research.<br />
(i) ha-xeder nuka bi-mhirut/be-yesodiyut<br />
the-room [was] cleaned in-haste/in-thoroughness<br />
“<strong>The</strong> room was cleaned quickly/thoroughly.”