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The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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166<br />

Appendix: On some differences between the Hebrew and English Dative Shift<br />

I. <strong>The</strong> starting point<br />

In the Hebrew Dative construction, the argument that occurs adjacent to the verb,<br />

whether <strong>The</strong>me or Goal, can bind the other one (A.1) (Borer and Grodzinsky (1986)). I<br />

take this to indicate that Hebrew, like English, has a syntactic Dative Shift (DS) (see<br />

also Landau 1994). 51<br />

(A.1) a. dan her’a et ha-tinoket le-acma<br />

Dan showed Acc the-baby to-herself<br />

“Dan showed the baby to herself.”<br />

b. dan her’a la-tinoket et acma (ba-mar’a)<br />

Dan showed to+the-baby Acc herself (in+the-mirror)<br />

“Dan showed the baby herself (in the mirror).”<br />

Given this, the goal of this discussion is to account for the following differences<br />

between the Hebrew and English DS:<br />

(i)<br />

(ii)<br />

It is a well-known fact that in the DS in English the Dative preposition to<br />

is dropped. In the Hebrew DS le- does not disappear (A.1b).<br />

It is possible to passivize the Goal argument in the English shifted<br />

construction, but in Hebrew the only argument that can undergo<br />

passivization is the <strong>The</strong>me argument, regardless of the DS.<br />

In what follows I will account for (i) and (ii) showing that both stem from the<br />

(different) status of the Dative P-morpheme in the two languages. But prior to that, let<br />

me set up my background assumptions.<br />

II. Background assumptions<br />

As is well known, the DS phenomenon exists in some languages (e.g. English), but<br />

51 I am abstracting away from the question whether the hierarchical shift between the relevant arguments<br />

(i.e. DS) is a result of movement (from the same Merge, in accordance with Baker’s UTAH, Baker 1988),<br />

or rather a reflection of two different base generations (from two distinct numerations).

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