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The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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163<br />

4.4.3.2 <strong>The</strong> Locative/non-Locative distinction: Hebrew present tense copular<br />

constructions do not include a verb (97a) (Rubinstein 1968; Ben-David 1971; Doron<br />

1983; Rapoport 1987; Rothstein 1995; Shlonsky 1997). <strong>The</strong>y may, however, include the<br />

so-called ‘pronominal copula’ termed by Doron (1983) Pron (97b):<br />

(97) a. bart nexmad<br />

Bart nice<br />

b. bart hu nexmad<br />

Bart he nice<br />

“Bart is nice.”<br />

It has been noted in traditional grammars (Rubinstein 1968, Ben-David 1971) and<br />

further developed in Greenberg (1994), that the presence or the absence of Pron<br />

correlates with a semantic distinction which can be described in terms of stage- and<br />

individual-level predicates. A stage-level predicate denotes a temporary property, such<br />

as tired or dirty, whereas an individual-level predicate denotes a permanent property of<br />

an individual. 50 (97a) has the interpretation that ‘Bart is nice now’ (the stage-level<br />

interpretation of nice), whereas (97b) is interpreted as ‘Bart is generally nice’<br />

(individual level-interpretation). This distinction can be highlighted by a temporal<br />

adverb. Such an adverb can be added naturally to (97a) resulting in (98a), but not to<br />

(97b), as shown in (98b) (Greenberg 1994):<br />

(98) a. bart nexmad hayom<br />

Bart nice today<br />

“Bart is nice today.”<br />

b. #bart hu nexmad hayom<br />

Bart he nice today<br />

Consider now copular constructions with PPs:<br />

50 <strong>The</strong> classification into individual- and stage-level predicates was proposed by Carlson (1977).

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