The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

162
b. ha-ec (še-) ba-ya’ar karas
the-tree that-in+the-forest fell down
Note first, that it is not the present tense itself that creates the problem in (95a). In
the grammatical (96) ha-ason (‘the disaster’) is modified by a relative CP whose tense
is present.
(96) ha-ason še-mitraxeš kan, le-neged eyneynu …
the-disaster that-happens here, to-against eyes-our …
“The disaster that is happening here, in front of our eyes…”
Thus the relevant distinction between nominals such as the disaster and nominals
such as the tree is the inability of the former, as opposed to the ability of latter, to occur
with an empty T [present] whose complement is a Locative PP.
Recall that based on their ability to be predicated of individuals and eventualities,
the lexical representation of Locative Ps is assumed to include optionally an e variable,
bound by the tense operator. Modification by non-clausal Locative PPs (PPs), which is
grammatical for all nominals, does not have recourse to e; it involves the external
(argument) slot of the Locative P (Ext) and the external argument of the nominal (R)
(86b). The same, namely identification of Ext with R, takes place when the Locative PPmodifier
forms a relative CP, but in addition, the e variable of the Locative P is
arguably bound by the empty T [present] . Why exactly does this affect the grammaticality
of (95a) is not clear to me. Intuitively speaking, it seems to be the case that the
interpretation of the empty T [present] occurring with Locative PP-modifiers is
incompatible with the denotation of nominals such as the disaster. In rough lines, the
denotation of these nominals includes a time-interval, unlike the denotation of nominals
such as the tree or the book. In other words, nominals such as the disaster denote
objects with durative meaning, namely their denotation is R event . Thus, it seems plausible
to suggest that in Hebrew an empty T [present] occurring with Locative PP-modifiers is
interpreted as simple present, which is incompatible with R event -nominals (95a) (see the
English gloss of (96)).