The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

12.09.2014 Views

143 ‘directional’ in (56), (57) is P C . Accordingly, it checks the structural Case (Accusative) of the nominal. 36 4.3.3.2 The unaccusative behavior of unergative verbs of motion: As opposed to typical Directional verbs such as send, verbs such as rac (‘ran’) or nafal (‘fell’) can be construed as Directional, if a Directional PP is added (59), or they can be modified by a Locative PP adjunct (60): (59) a. ha-kelev rac la-gina the-dog ran to+the-garden “The dog ran to the garden.” b. ha-matbe’a nafal la-ma’im the-coin fell to+the-water “The coin fell into the water.” (60) a. ha-kelev rac ba-gina the-dog ran in+the-garden “The dog ran in the garden.” b. ha-matbe’a nafal ba-gina the-coin fell in+the-garden “The coin fell in the garden.” Note that ran, as opposed to fell, for instance, is an unergative one-place verb. However, it has been noted by several researchers (Hoekstra and Mulder 1990, Ackema 1995, and references cited therein) that unergative verbs of motion such as ran, exhibit the typical unaccusative properties (e.g. auxiliary selection in Dutch), when combined with a Directional PP (59a). 37 Roughly speaking, a verb is classified as unergative if its subject is an external argument (e.g. ran), but as unaccusative if it is merged internally, surfacing as the subject upon syntactic movement (e.g. fell) (Perlmutter 1978, Burzio 1986). 36 But see Reinhart and Reuland (1995) and reference cited therein where Accusative in the Directional constructions is assumed to be inherent, rather than structural. 37 The arguable change from unergative to unaccusative is accompanied by the aspectual shift from state to event (Hinrichs 1985).

144 Modification by possessive datives is used as a reliable test to detect internal arguments in Hebrew. Borer and Grodzinsky (1986) observe that possessive datives can only modify internal arguments. Hence, they can serve as possessors to subjects of unaccusatives (61a), but not to subjects of unergatives (61b). (61) a. ha-sfarim naflu le-rina the-books fell to-Rina b. *ha-kelev šaxav le-rina the-dog lay to-Rina The verb rac (‘ran’) indeed patterns with unaccusatives when it occurs with a Directional PP (62a), but with unergatives when it is not (62b). In (62a) the possessive dative le-mi (‘to whom’, ‘whose’) modifies the subject (the dog, i.e. whose dog), indicating that it is the internal argument of rac (‘ran’). In (62b) this reading is unavailable, showing clearly that the subject is the external argument of rac (le-mi (‘to whom’) can only modify the locative adjunct in the garden, i.e. whose garden): (62) a. le-mi ha-kelev rac la-gina to-whom the-dog ran to+the-garden b. le-mi ha-kelev rac ba-gina to-whom the-dog ran in+the-garden Given this, the fact that the same verb is both unergative (60a), (62b) and unaccusative (59a), (62a) is puzzling. Let me sketch briefly how the puzzle can be accounted for, based on the mapping generalizations in Reinhart (2000, 2001) (Tali Siloni p.c.). Let us assume that a verb like run (and arguably also verbs like sleep, stand or sit) does not assign an Agent theta-role, but rather it assigns a Theme. This is supported by the fact that this theta-role can be realized by non-human DPs (The program runs smoothly; The time runs quickly). Further, it is reasonable to assume that run has two lexical entries: (i) run: Theme ([-c-m]) (ii) run: Theme ([-c-m]), Goal ([-c])

144<br />

Modification by possessive datives is used as a reliable test to detect internal<br />

arguments in Hebrew. Borer and Grodzinsky (1986) observe that possessive datives can<br />

only modify internal arguments. Hence, they can serve as possessors to subjects of<br />

unaccusatives (61a), but not to subjects of unergatives (61b).<br />

(61) a. ha-sfarim naflu le-rina<br />

the-books fell to-Rina<br />

b. *ha-kelev šaxav le-rina<br />

the-dog lay to-Rina<br />

<strong>The</strong> verb rac (‘ran’) indeed patterns with unaccusatives when it occurs with a<br />

Directional PP (62a), but with unergatives when it is not (62b). In (62a) the possessive<br />

dative le-mi (‘to whom’, ‘whose’) modifies the subject (the dog, i.e. whose dog),<br />

indicating that it is the internal argument of rac (‘ran’). In (62b) this reading is<br />

unavailable, showing clearly that the subject is the external argument of rac (le-mi (‘to<br />

whom’) can only modify the locative adjunct in the garden, i.e. whose garden):<br />

(62) a. le-mi ha-kelev rac la-gina<br />

to-whom the-dog ran to+the-garden<br />

b. le-mi ha-kelev rac ba-gina<br />

to-whom the-dog ran in+the-garden<br />

Given this, the fact that the same verb is both unergative (60a), (62b) and<br />

unaccusative (59a), (62a) is puzzling.<br />

Let me sketch briefly how the puzzle can be accounted for, based on the mapping<br />

generalizations in Reinhart (2000, 2001) (Tali Siloni p.c.).<br />

Let us assume that a verb like run (and arguably also verbs like sleep, stand or sit)<br />

does not assign an Agent theta-role, but rather it assigns a <strong>The</strong>me. This is supported by<br />

the fact that this theta-role can be realized by non-human DPs (<strong>The</strong> program runs<br />

smoothly; <strong>The</strong> time runs quickly).<br />

Further, it is reasonable to assume that run has two lexical entries:<br />

(i) run: <strong>The</strong>me ([-c-m])<br />

(ii) run: <strong>The</strong>me ([-c-m]), Goal ([-c])

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