The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
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143<br />
‘directional’ in (56), (57) is P C . Accordingly, it checks the structural Case (Accusative)<br />
of the nominal. 36<br />
4.3.3.2 <strong>The</strong> unaccusative behavior of unergative verbs of motion: As opposed to<br />
typical Directional verbs such as send, verbs such as rac (‘ran’) or nafal (‘fell’) can be<br />
construed as Directional, if a Directional PP is added (59), or they can be modified by a<br />
Locative PP adjunct (60):<br />
(59) a. ha-kelev rac la-gina<br />
the-dog ran to+the-garden<br />
“<strong>The</strong> dog ran to the garden.”<br />
b. ha-matbe’a nafal la-ma’im<br />
the-coin fell to+the-water<br />
“<strong>The</strong> coin fell into the water.”<br />
(60) a. ha-kelev rac ba-gina<br />
the-dog ran in+the-garden<br />
“<strong>The</strong> dog ran in the garden.”<br />
b. ha-matbe’a nafal ba-gina<br />
the-coin fell in+the-garden<br />
“<strong>The</strong> coin fell in the garden.”<br />
Note that ran, as opposed to fell, for instance, is an unergative one-place verb.<br />
However, it has been noted by several researchers (Hoekstra and Mulder 1990, Ackema<br />
1995, and references cited therein) that unergative verbs of motion such as ran, exhibit<br />
the typical unaccusative properties (e.g. auxiliary selection in Dutch), when combined<br />
with a Directional PP (59a). 37<br />
Roughly speaking, a verb is classified as unergative if its subject is an external<br />
argument (e.g. ran), but as unaccusative if it is merged internally, surfacing as the<br />
subject upon syntactic movement (e.g. fell) (Perlmutter 1978, Burzio 1986).<br />
36 But see Reinhart and Reuland (1995) and reference cited therein where Accusative in the Directional<br />
constructions is assumed to be inherent, rather than structural.<br />
37 <strong>The</strong> arguable change from unergative to unaccusative is accompanied by the aspectual shift from state<br />
to event (Hinrichs 1985).