The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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67. serev (le-) [+c+m] [-c] - + seruv seruv E
68. hitmaser (le) [-c+m] [-c] - - hitmasrut hitmasrut E
69. hitga’age’a [-c+m] [-c] - + (ga’agu’a) S
(le-/el)
70. azar (le-) [+c+m] [-c] + + ezra ezra E/S(a)
71. sagad (le-) [+c+m] [-c] - + sgida sgida S(a)
72. paxad (me-) [-c+m] [-m] - + paxad (fear) S
73. salad (me-) [-c+m] [-m] - + slida S
*Although ‘isolated root’ means occurrence in one verbal template, if a verb undergoes passive, and
the passive template happens to be the only additional template the verb occurs in, the verb is viewed
as isolated root.
**Deverbal nominalizations which are not glossed individually are parallel to English –ing nominals of
the corresponding verbs. If a verb has a nominal source, it is given in parentheses.
***I adopt here the two-way aspectual classification (Hinrichs 1995), where accomplishments and
achievements are classified as Events, whereas activities and states as States. Since there seem to be no
PP-verbs which denote accomplishments, Events coincide with achievements. 69 In case a verb is
classified as denoting State, and it is activity denoting verb, it is marked S(a).
Table 3. The properties of 30 Accusative verbs
Property Θ roles Passive Isolated
Nominalizations
Aspect
Verb
Root
r
e
1. baxan (tested) [+c+m] [-c-m] + - bxina, boxan bxina E/S
2. axal (ate) [+c+m] [-c-m] + - axila, oxel (‘food’) axila E/S
3. haras (destroyed) [+c] [-c-m] + + harisa, heres harisa E
4. kara (read) [+c+m] [-c-m] + - kri’a kri’a E/S
5. ahav (loved) [-c+m] [-c-m] + + ahava ahava S
6. sana (hated) [-c+m] [-c-m] - - sin’a (’hatred’) sin’a S
7. pirnes (provided) [+c+m] [-c-m] - - parnasa (??‘income’) S
8. harag (killed) [+c] [-c-m] + + hariga, hereg hariga E
9. gilgel (rolled) [+c] [-c-m] + - gilgul, galgal (‘wheel’) gilgul S
10. safar (counted) [+c+m] [-c-m] + + sfira, mispar (‘number’) sfira S
11. šibeš (spoiled) [+c] [-c-m] + - šibuš šibuš E
12. hika (beaten) [+c+m] [-c-m] + + maka ‘(a stroke’) haka’a E/S
13. šavar (broke) [+c] [-c-m] - - švira, šever (‘fructure’) švira E
69 A similar generalization is made in Neeleman (1997, footnote 10). Neeleman points out that verbs
with an ‘affected’ object are never PP-verbs.