The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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In the absence of [Acc], the default P C realized by be- has to be used, as the verb can
no longer check the Case feature of the nominal. Further, since the Experiencer
cluster ([-c+m]) is not marked with the mapping index, and the Theme cluster ([-c-m])
is marked as internal, the Experiencer is mapped externally (see 3.2.3 and Reinhart
2000)), as shown in (A.14):
(A.14) rabim [-c+m] xošdim be-dan [-c-m] 2
many suspect in-Dan
“Many people suspect Dan.”
The proposal so far accounts for the fact that xašad (‘suspected’) is not an
Accusative assigning verb, although its internal cluster is fully specified. The question
which still remains is why the corresponding Russian (and possibly English) verb is
an Accusative verb.
I propose that podozreval (Russian) and suspect (English) have the same thetagrid
as the causative Hebrew entry hexšid (A.12), rather than that of xašad, namely:
[+c] 1 [-c-m] 2 Acc [-c+m]. I propose further that the difference between Hebrew on the
one hand, and English and Russian on the other hand, is the status of the [+c] cluster.
It is lexically active in the former, but lexically frozen (i.e. never realized) in the latter
(see Reinhart 2000 for additional examples). As opposed to Hebrew, ‘suspect’ in
Russian and English is not a result of reduction, but rather of the non-realization of
the frozen [+c] cluster. The presence of the (frozen) [+c] in the theta-grid of ‘suspect’
in English/Russian gives rise to the [Acc] marking of the discussed verb in these
languages.