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The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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103<br />

(A.9) a. hu hibit (el) mitaxat la-šulxan<br />

he looked (to) under to+the-table<br />

“He looked under the table.”<br />

b. hu hibit *(le)-šam/*(el) ha-ofek<br />

he looked to-there/to the-horizon<br />

“He looked there/at the horizon.”<br />

In sum, the discussed verbs may occur with either a Directional P or with P C .<br />

<strong>The</strong> occurrence with the former underlies their locative use, as the Directional P takes<br />

a locative (PP/DP) complement.<br />

II. Default P C in Hebrew<br />

Until now I have discussed the occurrence of P C with verbs whose internal<br />

theta-cluster is underspecified (PP-verbs). This however, does not exhaust the<br />

distribution of P C . In what follows I will discuss two instances of what I call ‘default<br />

P C ’, namely P C that occurs when a verb is unable to check the Case feature of its fully<br />

specified internal argument.<br />

a) Similarly to many other Object Experiencer verbs discussed in Reinhart 2001,<br />

hitkaša be- (‘had difficulty with’) is derived from hikša (‘made difficult’) by a lexical<br />

operation which reduces a [+c] cluster (labeled here R [+c] ). As the result of the<br />

reduction, the [Acc] marking of the verb is eliminated. <strong>The</strong> theta-grid of the causative<br />

hikša (‘made difficult’) and the output of the reduction which results in hitkaša be-<br />

(‘had difficulty (with)’) are shown in (A.10a) and (A.11a), respectively. Each entry is<br />

accompanied by a relevant example (A.10b), (A.11b).<br />

(A.10)<br />

a. hikša: [+c] 1 [+m-c] Pc al [-c-m] 2 [Acc]<br />

b. ha-more/ha-xom [+c] hikša al ha-talmidim [-c+m] et ha-bxina [-c-m]<br />

<strong>The</strong>-teacher/the-heat made difficult on the-students Acc the-exam<br />

(A.11) a. R [+c] hikša hitkaša: [+m-c] [-c-m] 2 Pc beb.<br />

ha-talmidim [-c+m] hitkašu ba-bxina [-c-m]<br />

<strong>The</strong>-students [had] difficulty in+the-exam

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