The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

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Note also that although be-/al are locative Ps, they do not exhibit the bottom-up
dependency (A.3a), typical of locative Ps (A.3b). This means that be-/al are not
associated with locative semantics:
(A.3) a. dan hibit be-/al kir
Dan looked in-/on wall
“Dan looked at a wall.”
b. dan sam et ha-tmuna *be-/al kir
Dan put Acc the-picture in-/on wall
A potential complication is illustrated in (A.4), where be- (‘in’) denotes the
interior region of the casserole, namely it is semantically locative:
(A.4) dan hibit ba-sir (ve-ra’a še-hu rek)
Dan looked in+the-casserole (and-saw that-he empty)
“Dan looked into the casserole (and saw that it is empty).”
Note however, that be- in (A.4) is paraphrasable by a complex P be-tox (lit. ‘ininterior’,
meaning ‘inside’), as shown in (A.5) (underlined). I will assume, then that
when the interpretation of be- is locative, it is a short form of be-tox (‘inside’).
(A.5) dan hibit ba-sir/be-tox ha-sir
Dan looked in+the casserole/ in-interior the-casserole
“Dan looked inside the casserole.”
Given the binding distinction, and the lack of bottom-up dependency, it is
reasonable to conclude that the small Ps be-/al in (A.1) realize P C (rather than P R ).
Viewed this way, the discussed verbs are indeed PP-verbs. The question which
remains is what underlies their ability to occur with ‘real’ locative PPs.
I propose that these PP-verbs, in addition to being [-c] PP-verbs, are also
Directional verbs. They differ from the familiar Directional verbs in that the moving
entity is not a separate (syntactic) argument, but rather integrated with the verb. More
specifically, the moving entity is one’s glance. That the glance can be moved and
located (linguistically) is clear from the following examples: