The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation

92
P device involves the syntactic category of the complement of the verb. The former
device gives rise to a Dative DP, the latter to a PP. 59
The Dative realization of the [-c] cluster is illustrated by some [-c] verbs in
Russian; Dative Case is marked morphologically as a suffix on the DP:
(100) a. on izmenil Sach-e
he betrayed Sacha-Dat
b. on ugrožal mn-e
he threatened me-Dat
c. on prikazal mn-e uyti
he ordered me-Dat to+leave
d. on zapretil mn-e kurit y …
he forbid me-Dat to+smoke
The PP realization of [-c] is exhibited by the Hebrew verbs in (98) above, some
of which are repeated in (101): 60
(101) a. dan asar al dina le’ašen
Dan forbid on Dina to+smoke
b. dan bagad be-dina
Dan betrayed in-Dina
c. dan pakad al dina la’azov
Dan ordered on Dina to+leave
d. dan iyem al dina
Dan threatened on Dina
59 Thus I am departing from the views that Goals or morphologically Case-marked DPs are realized
uniformly as PPs headed by an empty P (Kayne 1984, Emonds 1985, Baker 1997). I believe that even
if an empty P is present in these cases, it has the status of a lexical nominal affix or a Case feature,
rather than that of a syntactic head P (see the Appendix in chapter 4). The distinction drawn in the text
between the Dative Case realization and PP realization does not preclude the possibility that in some
languages Dative Case is realized with an additional functional layer (e.g. KP), as proposed for German
in Bayer et al. 2001.
60 Dative Case in Hebrew is assigned or marked by an affixal P-morpheme le- (‘to’) (see chapter 4).
The absence of Hebrew PP-verbs using the Dative Case device, namely le- (‘to’) in (98) is accidental
and due to the fact that I chose to focus throughout the chapter on PP-verbs which occur with be- (‘in’)
and al (‘on’). Examples of the Hebrew (monotransitive) [-c] verbs which use the Dative Case device
(i.e. le) are azar le- (‘’helped’), he’emin le- (‘believed’), hix’iv le- (‘caused pain to’), etc.