The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation The Category P Features, Projections, Interpretation
81 Since the [-m] role is not so familiar, I will first discuss the basic motivation to analyze these verbs as [-m] assigning verbs. I will then show that the internal role assigned by these verbs is indeed distinct from both [-c-m] and [+c-m] roles. 3.4.4.1 Basic motivation: The group of Subject Experiencer hitpa’el verbs consists of verbs such as mit’anyen be- ([is] ‘interested in’]), which have a causative alternate (me’anyen ‘causes interest’). 46 This is exemplified below in (77). The availability of the causative alternate (77a) highlights the characteristic of the [-m] role to be perceived as cause. Therefore these verbs are the most straightforward candidates for assigning a [-m] role. 47 (77) a. balšanut [-m] me’anyenet et dan Linguistics interests Acc Dan b. dan mit’anyen be-balšanut [-m] Dan [is] interested in-linguistics Let us now consider a verb such as hitxaret (al) (‘regretted’) (78a), which does not have a causative alternate (78b), and examine whether it too can be classified as a [-m] verb. (78) a. dan hitxaret al ma’asav Dan regretted on deeds-his “Dan regretted his deeds.” b. *ma’asav hixritu/xirtu et dan deeds-his [caused] regret Acc Dan Intended meaning: His deeds caused Dan regret 46 See Reinhart (2000, 2001), where it is argued that the hitpa’el entry is derived from the transitive entry by a lexical operation which reduces the external [+c] theta-role. 47 These verbs probably belong to the group of Object Experiencer verbs such as do’eg (‘worries’), discussed in Reinhart 2001, for which the [-m] role is motivated. The difference between verbs such as hit’anyen (‘was interested’), hitkaša (‘had difficulty’), which are viewed here as core PP-verbs, and verbs such as worry is that the [-m] role of the former is obligatory (e.g. dan hit’anyen *(be-balšanut), ‘Dan was interested *(in linguistics)’), whereas this role is optional with the latter (e.g. dan do’eg (livri’uto), ‘Dan worries (about his health’)).
82 The meaning of (78a) is something like: ‘Dan felt bad, because of some things that he did, and he would rather not do them, or do them differently’. Focusing on the internal argument ma’asav (‘his deeds’), it is clear that the specification of /m in the theta-cluster it realizes is negative, namely /-m. Further, the DP ma’asav (‘his deeds’) can be perceived as the necessary condition for Dan’s emotion (i.e. regret), namely as the Theme or the Subject Matter of his regret (the value of /c is underspecified, interpreted as /-). The /-c interpretation of ma’asav (‘his deeds’) is highlighted in (79), where an external cause (dina) occurs in a separate clause: (79) dina garma le-dan lehitxaret al ma’asav Dina caused to-Dan to+regret on his deeds “Dina caused Dan to regret his deeds.” Note, however, that in absence of an external cause (e.g. dina in (79)), it is ma’asav (‘his deeds’) itself which can be perceived as the direct cause of the ‘regret’, indicating that the value of /c can be interpreted as /+ (Cause interpretation). Recall that compatibility with several interpretations arises when no specification for one of the features is supplied. If we assume that the theta-role assigned by hitxaret (‘regretted’) to ma’asav (‘his deeds’) is [-m ±c], the observation that ma’asav (‘his deeds’) can be interpreted as Cause will follow. 48 Given the above, it is plausible to identify the internal theta-role of the verbs in (76), including those which do not have an overt causative alternate, as [-m]. I now set up to establish that this must be its feature composition. The possibility to interpret the unspecified /c of the [-m] cluster as /+c may serve as a distinction of [-m] from the [-c-m] (Theme) role, but not from the [+c-m] (Instrument) role. Thus, my strategy will be different regarding the [-m]/[-c-m] distinction and the [-m]/[+c-m] distinction. 3.4.4.2 [-m] vs. [+c-m]: As observed in Reinhart (2000) and Reinhart and Siloni (2003), in order to be realized syntactically, an Instrument ([+c-m]) requires the presence of either an explicit Agent ([+c+m]) or an implicit argument interpretable as an Agent (e.g. [+c]). This is illustrated in (80) and (81). Now, the external argument 48 Additional [-m] PP-verbs which do not have a causative counterpart, such as ma’amin be- (‘believes in’) and somex al (‘relies on’) are discussed in 3.4.4.3.
- Page 49 and 50: 30 (iv) Froud 2001 is a psycholingu
- Page 51 and 52: 32 perspective, I will assume that
- Page 53 and 54: 34 Dutch provides an additional arg
- Page 55 and 56: 36 the study). Thus, taking the not
- Page 57 and 58: 38 On my proposal (section 2.2.1) m
- Page 59 and 60: 40 In this respect, let me note a p
- Page 61 and 62: 42 The phenomenon of PP-verbs, alth
- Page 63 and 64: 44 inability to agree with its DP-o
- Page 65 and 66: 46 The question which arises at thi
- Page 67 and 68: 48 (13) Internal argument-taking hi
- Page 69 and 70: 50 Grimshaw 1990; Baker 1988, 1997;
- Page 71 and 72: 52 suitable for the problem at hand
- Page 73 and 74: 54 3.2.3 The mapping generalization
- Page 75 and 76: 56 (iii) Assignment of [Acc] depend
- Page 77 and 78: 58 (25) a. on našol konfet-u v kar
- Page 79 and 80: 60 theory of P developed in chapter
- Page 81 and 82: 62 (37) a. What did he eat in the m
- Page 83 and 84: 64 Thus, whatever the exact restric
- Page 85 and 86: (46). 28 Summarizing the above, P C
- Page 87 and 88: 68 As for the alleged arbitrariness
- Page 89 and 90: 70 3.4 The [-m]/[-c] distinction Th
- Page 91 and 92: 72 viewed as necessary conditions f
- Page 93 and 94: 74 (59) [-c] PP-verbs Physical cont
- Page 95 and 96: 76 interpreted only as undergoing a
- Page 97 and 98: 78 b. dan [he’if mabat] be-rina D
- Page 99: 80 a [+animate] DP. Consequently, h
- Page 103 and 104: 84 (85) a. he’emanti be-bart [I]
- Page 105 and 106: 86 asserted ‘belief’. In other
- Page 107 and 108: 88 3.5 PP-verbs cross-linguisticall
- Page 109 and 110: 90 But the non-identical realizatio
- Page 111 and 112: 92 P device involves the syntactic
- Page 113 and 114: 94 Note that the options in (103) d
- Page 115 and 116: 96 adjacency requirement between th
- Page 117 and 118: 98 would be [-c] PP-verbs in Englis
- Page 119 and 120: 100 Appendix A: Residual issues The
- Page 121 and 122: 102 (A.6) a. mabat-o nadad (motion)
- Page 123 and 124: 104 Given its theta-grid, hikša is
- Page 125 and 126: 106 Appendix B Table 1. 70 Hebrew P
- Page 127 and 128: 108 Table 2. Some properties of the
- Page 129 and 130: 110 67. serev (le-) [+c+m] [-c] - +
- Page 131 and 132: 112 4. Locative, Directional and Da
- Page 133 and 134: 114 is distinct from both the Dativ
- Page 135 and 136: 116 Let me illustrate briefly the e
- Page 137 and 138: 118 inability of the Dative PP to d
- Page 139 and 140: 120 In principle, (16) can have eit
- Page 141 and 142: 122 from natan, but from the embedd
- Page 143 and 144: 124 Both (22a) and (22b) are possib
- Page 145 and 146: 126 (ii) Binding In the Hebrew Dati
- Page 147 and 148: 128 Let us assume that in (29a) the
- Page 149 and 150: 130 4.3 The Directional P Zwarts an
82<br />
<strong>The</strong> meaning of (78a) is something like: ‘Dan felt bad, because of some things<br />
that he did, and he would rather not do them, or do them differently’. Focusing on the<br />
internal argument ma’asav (‘his deeds’), it is clear that the specification of /m in the<br />
theta-cluster it realizes is negative, namely /-m. Further, the DP ma’asav (‘his deeds’)<br />
can be perceived as the necessary condition for Dan’s emotion (i.e. regret), namely as<br />
the <strong>The</strong>me or the Subject Matter of his regret (the value of /c is underspecified,<br />
interpreted as /-). <strong>The</strong> /-c interpretation of ma’asav (‘his deeds’) is highlighted in (79),<br />
where an external cause (dina) occurs in a separate clause:<br />
(79) dina garma le-dan lehitxaret al ma’asav<br />
Dina caused to-Dan to+regret on his deeds<br />
“Dina caused Dan to regret his deeds.”<br />
Note, however, that in absence of an external cause (e.g. dina in (79)), it is<br />
ma’asav (‘his deeds’) itself which can be perceived as the direct cause of the ‘regret’,<br />
indicating that the value of /c can be interpreted as /+ (Cause interpretation). Recall<br />
that compatibility with several interpretations arises when no specification for one of<br />
the features is supplied. If we assume that the theta-role assigned by hitxaret<br />
(‘regretted’) to ma’asav (‘his deeds’) is [-m ±c], the observation that ma’asav (‘his<br />
deeds’) can be interpreted as Cause will follow. 48<br />
Given the above, it is plausible to identify the internal theta-role of the verbs in<br />
(76), including those which do not have an overt causative alternate, as [-m]. I now set<br />
up to establish that this must be its feature composition.<br />
<strong>The</strong> possibility to interpret the unspecified /c of the [-m] cluster as /+c may serve<br />
as a distinction of [-m] from the [-c-m] (<strong>The</strong>me) role, but not from the [+c-m]<br />
(Instrument) role. Thus, my strategy will be different regarding the [-m]/[-c-m]<br />
distinction and the [-m]/[+c-m] distinction.<br />
3.4.4.2 [-m] vs. [+c-m]: As observed in Reinhart (2000) and Reinhart and Siloni<br />
(2003), in order to be realized syntactically, an Instrument ([+c-m]) requires the<br />
presence of either an explicit Agent ([+c+m]) or an implicit argument interpretable as<br />
an Agent (e.g. [+c]). This is illustrated in (80) and (81). Now, the external argument<br />
48 Additional [-m] PP-verbs which do not have a causative counterpart, such as ma’amin be- (‘believes<br />
in’) and somex al (‘relies on’) are discussed in 3.4.4.3.
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