Two decades of community forestry in Nepal: What have we learned?

Two decades of community forestry in Nepal: What have we learned?
Box 5: Gender and caste
Many detailed studies conducted in Nepal have sought to understand the roles of women,
and the complex inter-relationship between caste and gender (e.g. Acharya and Bennett,
1981; Bennett, 1983). At the risk of considerable over-simplifi cation, the cultural
expectations of the so-called high castes – Brahmins and Chhetris – with regard to rural
women are often quite restrictive and home-focused, with livelihood roles being strongly
gendered. Like the higher castes, Dalits tend to idealise a home-based role for women,
but fi nancial constraints may render this impossible. Ethnic groups (Janajatis) such as
Tamangs, Magars, Gurungs and Sherpas tend to be more fl exible in the gendering of
roles and responsibilities, but women of such groups may also be restricted in their public
contributions. Overall, rural women are often hesitant to participate in community activities
due to a heavy workload, and deference to men in public fora. It is diffi cult for them to
participate actively in community meetings or become leaders unless the men in their family
are supportive, and other family members are available to take up domestic tasks. Younger
women, especially daughters-in-law - who may have innovative ideas and a good education –
often have particularly heavy workloads and are rarely allowed time off domestic duties to
attend meetings. Promoting mutual respect and understanding between men and women is
an integral part of NSCFP’s work, as illustrated by the case of Jhamkimaya given below.
Jhamkimaya Tamang is an energetic, confi dent woman who from the start took an active
role in the planning and management of the CFUG of which she is a member (Mayur
Gaura CFUG, Melung VDC, Dolakha District). Her husband disliked her involvement in the
CFUG, but at this point he left the village to work overseas, and so could not see her daily
activities. Jhamkimaya, meanwhile, was elected CFUG president – a role that took her
out of the village to discuss with FECOFUN members and NSCFP staff in the district
headquarters. When her husband returned, he was full of suspicion - provoking a crisis
in their relationship. The situation was resolved through a meeting between the husband
and FECOFUN members. When he realised that his wife was held in esteem by others, he
changed his opinion and expressed pride in Jhamkimaya’s work. Clearly it was important
that he fully understood his wife’s role and gave her his support.
Within CFUGs, NSCFP has sought to raise collective awareness of the moral justifi cation
for social inclusion, as well as the benefi ts of community cohesion that it can bring. This
was done through coaching and capacity building. To some extent, the strong presence
of Maoists in the project area may - with their political doctrine of social equality
- have raised CFUG acceptance of the participation of women and disadvantaged
castes. At the same time, there is a very obvious logic that those who use the forest the
most should be directly involved in decisions about its management – and it is women
who are particularly engaged in fodder and fuelwood collection (at least at most times of
the year), whilst some Dalits have particular needs – the most obvious being charcoal
production by the Kamis (blacksmith caste).
Project self evaluation data indicates that in the early 1990s, most disadvantaged
individuals were extremely reluctant to attend meetings, and if they did, they
rarely spoke - nor were they encouraged to do so. As a result of governance coaching
and similar interventions, this is no longer the case in most CFUGs. The fi gures show
good and increasing participation by women and Dalits, even if there is still room
for improvement. The current average presence of women in CFUG executive
committees in the three main project districts is 35%, compared against the
national average of 26% (Chhetry, 2009). If trends in the project area are
considered, women’s participation is on the increase – from 29% in 2000 to 35% in
2008 12 , whilst in a smaller cluster sample of 116 households (2009), it is 39%. Most of
the women leaders are young school graduates, which is a further positive sign.
12 In 2000, the total number of CFUGs was 609; it increased to 919 in 2008 and 1,026 in 2010 (NSCFP, 2010).
The percentage increase in representation of women and Dalits thus represents a major increase in the number
of individuals holding such posts.
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