Two decades of community forestry in Nepal: What have we learned?
Two decades of community forestry in Nepal: What have we learned?
Two decades of community forestry in Nepal: What have we learned?
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<strong>Two</strong> <strong>decades</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>community</strong> <strong>forestry</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong>: <strong>What</strong> <strong>have</strong> <strong>we</strong> <strong>learned</strong>?<br />
Box 5: Gender and caste<br />
Many detailed studies conducted <strong>in</strong> <strong>Nepal</strong> <strong>have</strong> sought to understand the roles <strong>of</strong> women,<br />
and the complex <strong>in</strong>ter-relationship bet<strong>we</strong>en caste and gender (e.g. Acharya and Bennett,<br />
1981; Bennett, 1983). At the risk <strong>of</strong> considerable over-simplifi cation, the cultural<br />
expectations <strong>of</strong> the so-called high castes – Brahm<strong>in</strong>s and Chhetris – with regard to rural<br />
women are <strong>of</strong>ten quite restrictive and home-focused, with livelihood roles be<strong>in</strong>g strongly<br />
gendered. Like the higher castes, Dalits tend to idealise a home-based role for women,<br />
but fi nancial constra<strong>in</strong>ts may render this impossible. Ethnic groups (Janajatis) such as<br />
Tamangs, Magars, Gurungs and Sherpas tend to be more fl exible <strong>in</strong> the gender<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong><br />
roles and responsibilities, but women <strong>of</strong> such groups may also be restricted <strong>in</strong> their public<br />
contributions. Overall, rural women are <strong>of</strong>ten hesitant to participate <strong>in</strong> <strong>community</strong> activities<br />
due to a heavy workload, and deference to men <strong>in</strong> public fora. It is diffi cult for them to<br />
participate actively <strong>in</strong> <strong>community</strong> meet<strong>in</strong>gs or become leaders unless the men <strong>in</strong> their family<br />
are supportive, and other family members are available to take up domestic tasks. Younger<br />
women, especially daughters-<strong>in</strong>-law - who may <strong>have</strong> <strong>in</strong>novative ideas and a good education –<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten <strong>have</strong> particularly heavy workloads and are rarely allo<strong>we</strong>d time <strong>of</strong>f domestic duties to<br />
attend meet<strong>in</strong>gs. Promot<strong>in</strong>g mutual respect and understand<strong>in</strong>g bet<strong>we</strong>en men and women is<br />
an <strong>in</strong>tegral part <strong>of</strong> NSCFP’s work, as illustrated by the case <strong>of</strong> Jhamkimaya given below.<br />
Jhamkimaya Tamang is an energetic, confi dent woman who from the start took an active<br />
role <strong>in</strong> the plann<strong>in</strong>g and management <strong>of</strong> the CFUG <strong>of</strong> which she is a member (Mayur<br />
Gaura CFUG, Melung VDC, Dolakha District). Her husband disliked her <strong>in</strong>volvement <strong>in</strong> the<br />
CFUG, but at this po<strong>in</strong>t he left the village to work overseas, and so could not see her daily<br />
activities. Jhamkimaya, meanwhile, was elected CFUG president – a role that took her<br />
out <strong>of</strong> the village to discuss with FECOFUN members and NSCFP staff <strong>in</strong> the district<br />
headquarters. When her husband returned, he was full <strong>of</strong> suspicion - provok<strong>in</strong>g a crisis<br />
<strong>in</strong> their relationship. The situation was resolved through a meet<strong>in</strong>g bet<strong>we</strong>en the husband<br />
and FECOFUN members. When he realised that his wife was held <strong>in</strong> esteem by others, he<br />
changed his op<strong>in</strong>ion and expressed pride <strong>in</strong> Jhamkimaya’s work. Clearly it was important<br />
that he fully understood his wife’s role and gave her his support.<br />
With<strong>in</strong> CFUGs, NSCFP has sought to raise collective awareness <strong>of</strong> the moral justifi cation<br />
for social <strong>in</strong>clusion, as <strong>we</strong>ll as the benefi ts <strong>of</strong> <strong>community</strong> cohesion that it can br<strong>in</strong>g. This<br />
was done through coach<strong>in</strong>g and capacity build<strong>in</strong>g. To some extent, the strong presence<br />
<strong>of</strong> Maoists <strong>in</strong> the project area may - with their political doctr<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> social equality<br />
- <strong>have</strong> raised CFUG acceptance <strong>of</strong> the participation <strong>of</strong> women and disadvantaged<br />
castes. At the same time, there is a very obvious logic that those who use the forest the<br />
most should be directly <strong>in</strong>volved <strong>in</strong> decisions about its management – and it is women<br />
who are particularly engaged <strong>in</strong> fodder and fuelwood collection (at least at most times <strong>of</strong><br />
the year), whilst some Dalits <strong>have</strong> particular needs – the most obvious be<strong>in</strong>g charcoal<br />
production by the Kamis (blacksmith caste).<br />
Project self evaluation data <strong>in</strong>dicates that <strong>in</strong> the early 1990s, most disadvantaged<br />
<strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>we</strong>re extremely reluctant to attend meet<strong>in</strong>gs, and if they did, they<br />
rarely spoke - nor <strong>we</strong>re they encouraged to do so. As a result <strong>of</strong> governance coach<strong>in</strong>g<br />
and similar <strong>in</strong>terventions, this is no longer the case <strong>in</strong> most CFUGs. The fi gures show<br />
good and <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>g participation by women and Dalits, even if there is still room<br />
for improvement. The current average presence <strong>of</strong> women <strong>in</strong> CFUG executive<br />
committees <strong>in</strong> the three ma<strong>in</strong> project districts is 35%, compared aga<strong>in</strong>st the<br />
national average <strong>of</strong> 26% (Chhetry, 2009). If trends <strong>in</strong> the project area are<br />
considered, women’s participation is on the <strong>in</strong>crease – from 29% <strong>in</strong> 2000 to 35% <strong>in</strong><br />
2008 12 , whilst <strong>in</strong> a smaller cluster sample <strong>of</strong> 116 households (2009), it is 39%. Most <strong>of</strong><br />
the women leaders are young school graduates, which is a further positive sign.<br />
12 In 2000, the total number <strong>of</strong> CFUGs was 609; it <strong>in</strong>creased to 919 <strong>in</strong> 2008 and 1,026 <strong>in</strong> 2010 (NSCFP, 2010).<br />
The percentage <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> representation <strong>of</strong> women and Dalits thus represents a major <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> the number<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividuals hold<strong>in</strong>g such posts.<br />
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