Trade Policy Note Final-rev08 - Development
Trade Policy Note Final-rev08 - Development
Trade Policy Note Final-rev08 - Development
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Box 3: Doha Round Suspension<br />
On 27 July 2006, the WTO General Council took note of the statements that had been made<br />
by delegations and the Director General to suspend the Doha Round multilateral trade<br />
negotiations. The talks broke down due to the inability to reach trade offs between the<br />
liberalization of industrial tariffs and the reduction of domestic subsidies and tariffs on<br />
agriculture. 10 In particular, the United States did not consider that it was in a position to<br />
accept a commitment to reduce its total trade distorting domestic support below $23 billion.<br />
Such breakdowns in multilateral negotiations are not new, (e.g. Brussels 1990) 11 , and in<br />
January 2007 the WTO Director General announced the full resumption of the negotiations.<br />
<strong>Policy</strong> space objectives:<br />
Some action will require multilateral agreement, and thus must be pursued in concert<br />
with other interested countries, such as flexibilities to protect poor farmers ( SP and<br />
SSM), maintenance or exclusion of plant varieties from patenting, more effective<br />
rules to prevent bio-piracy, more flexibility to raise bound tariff rates, resistance to<br />
excessive liberalization through formulas in tariffs and services. Other will involve<br />
defense of policy measures in direct negotiations with trade partners in response to<br />
requests for liberalization commitments on tariffs and services.<br />
Box 4: <strong>Trade</strong> <strong>Policy</strong> Space Rationale<br />
The question arises: why protect “space” for trade policy?<br />
It can be argued that before 1995, developing countries largely “enjoyed” a free hand in the<br />
area of trade policy, and for the most part, with the exceptions that will be noted in the text,<br />
did not take advantage of this policy space to develop their economies.<br />
The contraction of policy space which resulted through trade negotiations in GATT, but most<br />
dramatically after the entry into force of the WTO on an almost universal basis, was aimed to<br />
provide greater security of access for traders and investors, while the more stringent rule of<br />
law in the trade field was seen to be beneficial to developing countries as weaker partners in<br />
the international trading system.<br />
Acceptance of the more intrusive and extensive trade disciplines described above is also seen<br />
as providing governments with an effective defense against protectionist pressures at home.<br />
For developing countries, such disciplines were viewed as needed to “lock in” the trade<br />
regimes imposed under temporary structural adjustment programmes imposed by the Bretton<br />
Woods institutions, which were considered as inherently beneficial for developing countries.<br />
These binding disciplines would provide the base for further trade liberalization and the<br />
further extension of the “frontiers” of the trading system to submit an ever widening range of<br />
policy measures to enforcement through the threat of trade sanctions. This was assumed to<br />
lead to ever increasing trade and accelerated economic growth.<br />
However, this logic overlooked three important factors.<br />
First, the process of development followed by successful countries, both those now<br />
considered highly developed, and those which have more recently industrialized (e.g. Asian<br />
10 See analysis by B.L. Das in SUNS, 2 August 2006 www.sunsonline.org.<br />
11 See comparison to breakdown of 1990 Brussels GATT Ministerial Meeting by Chakravarthi<br />
Raghavan in SUNS, 28 July 2006 www.sunsonline.org.<br />
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