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Trade Policy Note Final-rev08 - Development

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extended trade obligations into new areas such as national policies on services (e.g.<br />

finance, communications, energy, environment, culture, immigration, transportation,<br />

health and education) and intellectual property rights. Those countries which have<br />

acceded to the WTO after its establishment find themselves subject to even greater<br />

constraints, as the major trading countries have followed a policy of seeking<br />

maximum, “WTO plus” concessions in their terms of accession.<br />

Box 1: Terms of Accession 3<br />

Countries that have acceded to the WTO have been obliged to accept WTO-plus obligations<br />

and commitments as part of their terms of accession. These have included across the board<br />

tariff bindings often at low rates, extensive commitments on trade in services, going far<br />

beyond those made by developing countries in the Uruguay Round, lack of recourse to<br />

permitted TRIMs (e.g. on transfer of technology), abolition of export taxes, little or no<br />

recourse to special safeguards inn agriculture, additional commitments on energy prices in<br />

excess of the normal WTO disciplines on subsidies, no access to export subsidies even when<br />

their GDP is less than $1000. Furthermore, some acceding countries have been denied full<br />

WTO rights based on the argument that they are still in the category of “non-market<br />

economies” Acceding countries have more recently obtained recognition that the extensive<br />

commitments contained in their term s of accession should be taken into account in<br />

multilateral trade negotiations.<br />

This has constricted the policy space available to developing countries to pursue<br />

development strategies. 4 The WTO Doha <strong>Development</strong> Round aims at continuing the<br />

process of liberalization with tighter disciplines. However, it also provides the<br />

opportunity for developing countries to address difficulties encountered in the<br />

implementation of the Uruguay Round results.<br />

Some FTAs are More Constraining<br />

All developing countries have been caught up in the proliferation of FTAs, both with<br />

other developing countries (South/South) and between developed and developing<br />

countries (North/South). Some of these manifest a more ambitious approach by<br />

developing countries to the pursuit of the traditional objective of regional integration.<br />

Others, however, are extra-regional, reflecting strategies of individual countrie s to<br />

seek privileged market access conditions which they consider cannot be achieved in<br />

multilateral negotiations. For certain developed countries, the negotiation of bilateral<br />

FTAs with developing countries has a highly political motivation. It also manifests a<br />

strategy on their part of imposing tighter and more extensive disciplines on their<br />

trading partner than can be achieved, at least in the near future, in the WTO, or to<br />

consolidate positions they are pursuing multilaterally vis-à-vis other major players in<br />

the WTO. Major trading countries are also involved in the pursuit of geopolitical<br />

objectives through some bilateral and regional trade negotiations, while smaller<br />

3 See, for example, UNCTAD, WTO Accessions and <strong>Development</strong> Policies (New York and Geneva:<br />

2001). An acceding country is in a much weaker position under the WTO than it was previously under<br />

GATT, where the possibility of invoking the non-application clause was excluded once bilateral<br />

negotiations had been engaged.<br />

4 UNDP et al., Making Global <strong>Trade</strong> Work for People (London and US: Earthscan, 2003)<br />

(www.earthscan.co.uk).<br />

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