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probably continuingto have a larger followingthan did Kabbalah.<br />

century,<br />

of the Zohar also reached Italy, the Byzantine lands of the eastern<br />

Manuscripts<br />

and the Holy Land duringthis period.<br />

Mediterranean,<br />

was after the expulsion of Spanish Jewry in 1492 that the in¯uence of<br />

It<br />

entered a period of rapid growth. Various explanations have been<br />

Kabbalah<br />

for this increased interest in the mystical tradition. Some have attrib-<br />

offered<br />

it to the sufferingand despair that visited this once proud group of Jewish<br />

uted<br />

in the period between 1391 and 1492. The devastation of the age,<br />

communities<br />

it is said, caused Jews to seek out deeper resources of consolation than those<br />

so<br />

by the typically optimistic worldview of the philosophers. Others claim<br />

offered<br />

the growth of Kabbalah came as a response of a different sort to the<br />

that<br />

expulsion. Jews throughout the Mediterranean world, including many<br />

Spanish<br />

exiles, were shocked and disgraced by the high numbers of Spanish<br />

Spanish<br />

who converted to Christianity in the course of the ®fteenth century. Once<br />

Jews<br />

the blame was placed partly at the door of philosophy, the intellectual<br />

again<br />

of Spanish Jewry havingsupposedly led to a laxity in religious<br />

sophistication<br />

and a relative indifference to the question of religious identity. Yet<br />

observance<br />

view attributes the growth in Kabbalah's in¯uence to the new home<br />

another<br />

in which former Iberian Jews found themselves. Ottoman Turkey, with<br />

cultures<br />

closed millet systemÐin which each faith community held fast to exclusive<br />

its<br />

and total denigration of all outside in¯uencesÐwas a hospitable<br />

truth-claims<br />

for precisely the closed-minded Zoharic view of the outside<br />

environment<br />

rather than the Aristotelian quasi-universalism of the philosophers,<br />

world,<br />

had served the needs of a very different age.<br />

which<br />

the reason (and a combination of the above factors is most<br />

Whatever<br />

we begin to see new kabbalistic works written and old ones distributed<br />

likely),<br />

explicated in the early sixteenth century. The Zohar and other works of the<br />

and<br />

tradition are especially prominent in this period. Perhaps typical is<br />

Castilian<br />

®gure of Rabbi Meir ibn Gabbai, a Turkish kabbalist who tells us that he<br />

the<br />

born in Spain in 1481 and left as a child amongthe exiles. Ibn Gabbai's<br />

was<br />

opus, Avodat ha-Qodesh (Venice, 1567), is a grand systematization of<br />

magnum<br />

and a defense of it against philosophy. Typically of the sixteenth<br />

Kabbalah<br />

Ibn Gabbai knows a great many earlier texts and seeks to harmonize<br />

century,<br />

with one another. But the great source of kabbalistic truth is the Zohar,<br />

them<br />

he quotes on virtually every page as ``the Midrash of Rabbi Shim'on son<br />

which<br />

Yoḥai.'' of<br />

kabbalistic conventicles of Safed, which ¯ourished in the late sixteenth<br />

The<br />

also accorded to the Zohar top place as the authoritative source of<br />

century,<br />

truth. Clearly, the choice of Safed as a place of settlement for Jews<br />

kabbalistic<br />

to the kabbalistic legacy had much to do with its proximity to Meron,<br />

attached<br />

supposed burial place of Rabbi Shim'on son of Yoḥai. His tomb had been a<br />

the<br />

of pilgrimage for local Jews long earlier, but with the growth of the Safed<br />

site<br />

Introduction<br />

lxxii<br />

community it became a truly important shrine. Both Rabbi Moses Cordovero

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