Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate

Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate

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CHAPTER 4. ABORTION DISCOURSE IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE 60 native, Protestant women encouraged virulent anti-Catholic and nativist rhetoric in efforts to persuade American legislators to pass laws that would restrict legal abortions to life-threatening circumstances” (Sitaraman 1994, 5). Thus, the tendency toward strict prohibition of abortion was, in part, predicated on maintaining the population growth of the white and Protestant class. In the second half of the criminalization period, abortion remained at most a peripheral concern to most policy makers. It was not until the 1960s that a sustained movement emerged supporting reform and/or repeal of abortion laws. The explanations for the emergence of the reform movement, and its timing, have been addressed by a number of analysts (c.f. Ginsburg 1989, Hershey 1986, Krason 1984, Luker 1984, Mohr 1989, Petchesky 1984, Rossi & Sitaraman 1988, Rubin 1987, Staggenborg 1991, Tatalovich 1988, Tribe 1990). One explanation, following a model first offered by Eisinger (1973), is that the “structure of political opportunities” present at the time enabled the simultaneous and independent creation of separate “micromobilization contexts” (McAdam 1988) of “insider” and “outsider” activists (Staggenborg 1991), mobilized in part by two “critical discourse moments” (Gamson & Modigliani 1989) in the early 1960s. The notion of the structure of political opportunities emphasizes the necessity of simultaneous system-level factors, such as elite opinion and elite interest, and micro-level factors, primarily ordinary citizens mobilized into social movement organizations, for political change to occur. “Micromobilization contexts” is the term associated with the informal groups into which individuals are drawn, and from which movement organizations emerge. These contexts involve either people who have been actively engaged in the issue (“insider” activists), or those who are newly engaged with the issue at a political or professional level (“outsider” activists). Often, some widely-publicized event – a “critical discourse moment” – serves as a catalyst, signalling both insider and outsider activists that the grievances they feel are not singular, and that there is some reason to be optimistic about political change. The issue was debated with increasing frequency and urgency from the 1930s through the 1960s, first within narrow professional circles, and gradually within broader groups of activists. Out of this debate, a movement for abortion law reform slowly emerged. Tribe (1990), Krason (1984), and to a more limited extent Luker (1984) and Sitaraman (1994), focus on the leading role of powerful professional groups of doctors and lawyers in attempts to reform state abortion laws. In this view, the same medical profession that was largely responsible for creating the ambiguous atmosphere concerning the conditions under which abortion was con-

CHAPTER 4. ABORTION DISCOURSE IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE 61 sidered appropriate now sought to extract itself from the ethical dilemmas created as a result of its actions in the previous century. Changes in medical science, particularly advances in the treatment of clearly medical indications for abortion, led many physicians and legal professionals to question the legality of thetherapeutic” abortions doctors were being asked to perform. One proposed solution was the Model Penal Code, issued by the American Law Institute (discussed above on page 66), which stimulated reform efforts in various states. Staggenborg (1991) disputes the “insider explanation,” arguing that ...it fails to take into account the role of external events in pulling doctors and other professionals into the abortion controversy. Moreover, the support that established interest groups and organizations did provide, particularly in the early years of the movement, was quite limited. Dissatisfaction with the limited actions and policies of these groups forced those who wanted significant change in the abortion laws to build a movement outside the established power structure (page 18). Instead, Staggenborg (1991) emphasizes the key role of social movement entrepreneurs organizing at a grass roots level in various locations around the country. These groups, which frequently were not even aware of each other’s efforts, were dissatisfied with the pace of change and the focus of debate within the established groups. An important component motivating the non-establishment groups was the contemporary position of the American society within the “cycles of protest:” Although a few politically experienced individuals helped start the abortion movement, its success was very much dependent on the cycle of protest under way in the 1960s. Other social movements in the expanded social movement sector of the period aided the mobilization of the abortion rights movement in several ways. The civil rights movement was an important precursor that generated social activism among liberal churches and clergy and offered tactical models to numerous other movements, including the abortion movement. Women, college students and other young people who were activated by earlier movements of the 1960s became the grass-roots constituents of the movement to legalize abortion. The family-planning, population, and women’s movements directly aided mobilization by providing organizational bases and constituents for the abortion movement. (Staggenborg 1991, 18).

CHAPTER 4. ABORTION DISCOURSE IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE 61<br />

sidered appropriate now sought to extract itself from <strong>the</strong> ethical dilemmas created<br />

as a result of its actions in <strong>the</strong> previous century. Changes in medical science, particularly<br />

advances in <strong>the</strong> treatment of clearly medical indications for abortion, led<br />

many physicians and legal professionals to question <strong>the</strong> legality of <strong>the</strong> “<strong>the</strong>rapeutic”<br />

abortions doctors were being asked to perform. One proposed solution was<br />

<strong>the</strong> Model Penal Code, issued by <strong>the</strong> American Law Institute (discussed above on<br />

page 66), which stimulated reform efforts in various states.<br />

Staggenborg (1991) disputes <strong>the</strong> “insider explanation,” arguing that<br />

...it fails to take into account <strong>the</strong> role of external events in pulling doctors<br />

and o<strong>the</strong>r professionals into <strong>the</strong> abortion controversy. Moreover, <strong>the</strong> support<br />

that established interest groups and organizations did provide, particularly in<br />

<strong>the</strong> early years of <strong>the</strong> movement, was quite limited. Dissatisfaction with <strong>the</strong><br />

limited actions and policies of <strong>the</strong>se groups forced those who wanted significant<br />

change in <strong>the</strong> abortion laws to build a movement outside <strong>the</strong> established<br />

power structure (page 18).<br />

Instead, Staggenborg (1991) emphasizes <strong>the</strong> key role of social movement entrepreneurs<br />

organizing at a grass roots level in various locations around <strong>the</strong> country.<br />

These groups, which frequently were not even aware of each o<strong>the</strong>r’s efforts,<br />

were dissatisfied with <strong>the</strong> pace of change and <strong>the</strong> focus of debate within <strong>the</strong><br />

established groups. An important component motivating <strong>the</strong> non-establishment<br />

groups was <strong>the</strong> contemporary position of <strong>the</strong> American society within <strong>the</strong> “cycles<br />

of protest:”<br />

Although a few politically experienced individuals helped start <strong>the</strong> abortion<br />

movement, its success was very much dependent on <strong>the</strong> cycle of protest<br />

under way in <strong>the</strong> 1960s. O<strong>the</strong>r social movements in <strong>the</strong> expanded social<br />

movement sector of <strong>the</strong> period aided <strong>the</strong> mobilization of <strong>the</strong> abortion rights<br />

movement in several ways. The civil rights movement was an important<br />

precursor that generated social activism among liberal churches and clergy<br />

and offered tactical models to numerous o<strong>the</strong>r movements, including <strong>the</strong><br />

abortion movement. Women, college students and o<strong>the</strong>r young people who<br />

were activated by earlier movements of <strong>the</strong> 1960s became <strong>the</strong> grass-roots<br />

constituents of <strong>the</strong> movement to legalize abortion. The family-planning,<br />

population, and women’s movements directly aided mobilization by providing<br />

organizational bases and constituents for <strong>the</strong> abortion movement.<br />

(Staggenborg 1991, 18).

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