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Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate

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CHAPTER 4. ABORTION DISCOURSE IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE 59<br />

medicine from <strong>the</strong> control of midwives and o<strong>the</strong>r “non-professional” practitioners,<br />

and place decisions about abortion within <strong>the</strong> domain controlled by doctors.<br />

The state laws, which typically made abortion illegal at any time during pregnancy<br />

unless necessitated by medical considerations, created a zone of discretion<br />

between “<strong>the</strong>rapeutic” and “criminal” abortions, and left physicians with virtually<br />

no guidance about how to navigate <strong>the</strong> distinctions.<br />

The physicians used advances in <strong>the</strong> biological sciences made during <strong>the</strong> first<br />

half of <strong>the</strong> century to publicize <strong>the</strong> process of fetal development. These advances<br />

called into question <strong>the</strong> traditional doctrine of quickening by viewing pregnancy<br />

as a continuous process from conception to birth. Although <strong>the</strong>re is evidence that<br />

this knowledge was disseminated into <strong>the</strong> general public prior to <strong>the</strong> physicians’<br />

campaign (Luker 1984), <strong>the</strong> physicians never<strong>the</strong>less argued that women who terminated<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir pregnancies did so out of ignorance of <strong>the</strong> biological processes underway.<br />

Two additional factors appear to be associated with <strong>the</strong> criminalization of abortion<br />

during this period (Mohr 1978, Luker 1984, Tribe 1990, Sitaraman 1994).<br />

The transition of <strong>the</strong> United States from a largely agrarian to largely urban society<br />

brought with it corresponding shifts in <strong>the</strong> role of women, especially among<br />

middle-class women. Sitaraman (1994) describes <strong>the</strong> relationship between 19th<br />

century feminism and abortion, providing additional evidence supporting <strong>the</strong> emergence<br />

of a right-to-life movement:<br />

In <strong>the</strong> late 19th century, marriage and mo<strong>the</strong>rhood became full time occupations<br />

for most middle and upper class women in America. Industrialization<br />

first attracted native single women, and later a greater proportion of immigrant<br />

women into <strong>the</strong> factories, while creating a spatial and ideological<br />

separation of <strong>the</strong> world of work and <strong>the</strong> world of family life. The ’cult of<br />

true womanhood’ stressed moral qualities of piety, purity, domesticity and<br />

submissiveness that corresponded to <strong>the</strong> roles middle class women assumed<br />

in <strong>the</strong>ir lives: daughter, wife, and mo<strong>the</strong>r. In this context, 19th century feminists<br />

engaged in social causes that extended <strong>the</strong>ir moral superiority and responsibility<br />

from <strong>the</strong> home to <strong>the</strong> public arena. They campaigned for a right<br />

to vote and a right to education ra<strong>the</strong>r than a right to control <strong>the</strong>ir sexual and<br />

reproductive behavior.” (Sitaraman 1994, 6)(citations omitted).<br />

Additionally, a sharp rise in non-Protestant immigration fueled nativist sentiments<br />

supporting an anti-abortion stance. “The perception that abortion was practiced by

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