Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
CHAPTER 3. TECHNOLOGY & THE PUBLIC SPHERE 48 of group membership. A person becomes a participant in the discussion by, in Rice’s words, interacting with the transcript. However, there is not necessarily a record of having done so, and neither entry to nor exit from the discussion is necessarily a public event of which others would be aware. Individuals can interact with the transcript by reading the words of others without leaving evidence of their actions. 1 Furthermore, the notion of membership suggests some level of commitment to the group as a whole. The group, constituted as a structure that exists in the minds of its members, does not necessarily exist. Further, to the extent that such identification does exist, it is not necessary that there be any commitment on the part of the participants. This results in the following reworked definition of computer mediated discussion: Computer mediated discussion is a computer-facilitated mechanism for recording and using a textual transcript of a series of messages written by more than one individual over varying lengths of time, with participation by individuals who may be geographically dispersed, and who may interact with the transcript either simultaneously or at times of their own choosing. Computer mediated discussion is technologically simple (Krol 1992) and linguistically complex (Bolter 1989, Bolter 1991, Ferrara, Brunner & Whittemore 1991, Ess 1993, Shank 1993). 2 The most familiar analogy to the non-computer world is a physical bulletin board in a common area. An individual happening by the bulletin board might decide one day to “post” a message, addressed to no one in particular, about a specific subject. Another individual happening by might read the posting, and decide to post a reply to the original message, and/or to post a message of their own. A third individual happening by might read all the postings, and reply as desired. The first individual might happen by a few days later, and respond to the responders, and add a new posting on a different subject. And so 1 Technically speaking, this is not true, as most systems have the capacity to track the actions of their users. This violates the spirit of privacy that most users expect, however, and would at any rate generate a set of “footprints” that would be visible only to the local system administrator, and not necessarily to other “members” of the group. (Johnson & Snapper 1985, Krol 1992). 2 See also Herring (1993), Kiesler, Seigel & McGuire (1984),McCormick & McCormick (1992),Smith & Balka (1991), and Rafaeli (1986). Early descriptions of computer mediated discussion (sometimes called computer conferencing) appear in Hiltz & Turoff (1978), Johansen, Vallee & Spangler (1979), Rice (1980), Kerr & Hiltz (1982), Rice (1984), Hiltz (1984), Kiesler, Seigel & McGuire (1984), Rafaeli (1986), Johansen (1988) Smith & Balka (1991), McCormick & McCormick (1992), and Herring (1993).
CHAPTER 3. TECHNOLOGY & THE PUBLIC SPHERE 49 it goes: individuals can enter or leave the “discussion” at any time, responding to both recent and not-so-recent messages, starting new threads in the discussion. In this example, the size of the discussion would be limited by the physical dimensions of the bulletin board and the participants would be limited to those who physically happened by the board. The computerized version is very similar, with the “physical” location of the board replaced by one or many physical locations in a network of computers who are connected to each other, and the “physical” location of the participants replaced by their presence on a computer that can access the board. The size of the discussion is limited by the much-less constraining limitations of the network, and the participants are limited to the much-less constraining limitations of the number of network users. Although the use of computers for discussion is a relatively recent phenomenon, scholars have begun systematic investigations of its characteristics. Some have examined the relationship between access to information and the distribution of power in society, suggesting that computer- mediated discussion could ease differential access, distribute power more broadly and thus lead to greater democratization (Stallabrass 1995, Jacobson 1993, Stallabrass 1995). Others, mostly concerned with educational applications, have noted the potential to foster creativity and cooperation among participants while recognizing the limitations of electronic space (Perrone, Repenning, Spencer & Ambach 1996, Acker 1995, McCormick & McCormick 1992, Kiesler, Seigel & McGuire 1984). The absence of social cues to status and gender have raised issues concerning the possibilities of creating more democratic communication (Savicki, Lingenfelter & Kelley 1996, Herring 1993). The relationship between engaging in computer mediated discussion and other forms of participation have been examined by (Fisher, Margolis & Resnick 1994). Linguistic models of communication provide a framework for distinguishing various forms of computer mediated discussion. The fundamental model of linguistic communication, what Shank (1993) described as the “paragon of language-inuse” is the conversation (Fiske 1982, Saussure 1959, Schegloff 1972). A conversation is characterizable by its organization and activities (Levinson 1983, Murray 1991). Three general types of conversations have been identified: the monologue, the dialogue and the discussion (Shank 1993, Levinson 1983, Winograd & Flores 1986). A monologue involves one message sender and multiple, passive receivers. A dialogue involves two participants taking turns and exchanging roles as sender and receiver. A discussion involves a single person who starts as the sender and retains control of the conversation, with multiple receivers, some of whom rotate (with the initiator) the role of the sender. While computer mediated
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CHAPTER 3. TECHNOLOGY & THE PUBLIC SPHERE 49<br />
it goes: individuals can enter or leave <strong>the</strong> “discussion” at any time, responding<br />
to both recent and not-so-recent messages, starting new threads in <strong>the</strong> discussion.<br />
In this example, <strong>the</strong> size of <strong>the</strong> discussion would be limited by <strong>the</strong> physical dimensions<br />
of <strong>the</strong> bulletin board and <strong>the</strong> participants would be limited to those who<br />
physically happened by <strong>the</strong> board. The computerized version is very similar, with<br />
<strong>the</strong> “physical” location of <strong>the</strong> board replaced by one or many physical locations<br />
in a network of computers who are connected to each o<strong>the</strong>r, and <strong>the</strong> “physical”<br />
location of <strong>the</strong> participants replaced by <strong>the</strong>ir presence on a computer that can access<br />
<strong>the</strong> board. The size of <strong>the</strong> discussion is limited by <strong>the</strong> much-less constraining<br />
limitations of <strong>the</strong> network, and <strong>the</strong> participants are limited to <strong>the</strong> much-less constraining<br />
limitations of <strong>the</strong> number of network users.<br />
Although <strong>the</strong> use of computers for discussion is a relatively recent phenomenon,<br />
scholars have begun systematic investigations of its characteristics. Some have<br />
examined <strong>the</strong> relationship between access to information and <strong>the</strong> distribution of<br />
power in society, suggesting that computer- mediated discussion could ease differential<br />
access, distribute power more broadly and thus lead to greater democratization<br />
(Stallabrass 1995, Jacobson 1993, Stallabrass 1995). O<strong>the</strong>rs, mostly concerned<br />
with educational applications, have noted <strong>the</strong> potential to foster creativity<br />
and cooperation among participants while recognizing <strong>the</strong> limitations of electronic<br />
space (Perrone, Repenning, Spencer & Ambach 1996, Acker 1995, McCormick &<br />
McCormick 1992, Kiesler, Seigel & McGuire 1984). The absence of social cues to<br />
status and gender have raised issues concerning <strong>the</strong> possibilities of creating more<br />
democratic communication (Savicki, Lingenfelter & Kelley 1996, Herring 1993).<br />
The relationship between engaging in computer mediated discussion and o<strong>the</strong>r<br />
forms of participation have been examined by (Fisher, Margolis & Resnick 1994).<br />
Linguistic models of communication provide a framework for distinguishing various<br />
forms of computer mediated discussion. The fundamental model of linguistic<br />
communication, what Shank (1993) described as <strong>the</strong> “paragon of language-inuse”<br />
is <strong>the</strong> conversation (Fiske 1982, Saussure 1959, Schegloff 1972). A conversation<br />
is characterizable by its organization and activities (Levinson 1983, Murray<br />
1991). Three general types of conversations have been identified: <strong>the</strong> monologue,<br />
<strong>the</strong> dialogue and <strong>the</strong> discussion (Shank 1993, Levinson 1983, Winograd<br />
& Flores 1986). A monologue involves one message sender and multiple, passive<br />
receivers. A dialogue involves two participants taking turns and exchanging roles<br />
as sender and receiver. A discussion involves a single person who starts as <strong>the</strong><br />
sender and retains control of <strong>the</strong> conversation, with multiple receivers, some of<br />
whom rotate (with <strong>the</strong> initiator) <strong>the</strong> role of <strong>the</strong> sender. While computer mediated