Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
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CHAPTER 2. THE PUBLIC SPHERE 34<br />
While Fraser’s argument that social equality is a necessary condition for participatory<br />
equality in <strong>the</strong> public sphere is an important corrective to Habermas’s notion,<br />
<strong>the</strong> more general point remains. This equality of status among participants must<br />
apply so “that no one speaker (or group of speakers) could rightly monopolize <strong>the</strong><br />
powers and means of assertion, disputation, and persuasion” (Keane 1984, 160):<br />
The parity on whose basis along <strong>the</strong> authority of <strong>the</strong> better argument could<br />
assert itself against that of social hierarchy, and in <strong>the</strong> end can carry <strong>the</strong> day<br />
meant, in <strong>the</strong> thought of <strong>the</strong> day, <strong>the</strong> parity of ’common humanity.’ Private<br />
gentlemen made up <strong>the</strong> public not just in <strong>the</strong> sense that power and prestige of<br />
public office were held in suspense; economic dependencies also in principle<br />
had no influence. Laws of <strong>the</strong> market were suspended as were laws of <strong>the</strong><br />
state” (Habermas 1989, 36)<br />
Similarly, Mansbridge (Mansbridge 1983) suggests that equality is concerned<br />
with an equality of respect among members, or perhaps <strong>through</strong> an equality of<br />
respect for <strong>the</strong> ideas and values of its members.<br />
Equality can also be assessed by reference to communicative competencies. Meaningful<br />
participation in <strong>the</strong> public sphere requires communicative competence (Dryzek<br />
1990). Although inequality in <strong>the</strong> distribution of communicative competencies<br />
among participants in <strong>the</strong> public sphere was recognized by Habermas (1989), at<br />
least as it applies to participation in <strong>the</strong> earliest public sphere, <strong>the</strong> ideal if not<br />
<strong>the</strong> realization was adhered to. Barber (1984, 197) too is concerned with <strong>the</strong><br />
distribution among citizens of <strong>the</strong> ability to reformulate and reconceptualize political<br />
ideas. One function of discussion in <strong>the</strong> public sphere, he suggests, is to<br />
allow ordinary citizens access to <strong>the</strong> power of defining key terms and concepts.<br />
“Democracy means above all equal access to language, and strong democracy<br />
means widespread and ongoing participation in talk by <strong>the</strong> entire citizenry.”<br />
The dimension of diversity is reflected in Habermas’s (Habermas 1989) requirement<br />
that a full range of topics be considered in <strong>the</strong> public sphere. This is also <strong>the</strong><br />
process of “denaturalization” suggested by Stanley (Stanley 1983), in which <strong>the</strong><br />
political and social structure implied by <strong>the</strong> selection of topics and alternatives is<br />
revealed to participants, instead of remaining “hidden” or part of <strong>the</strong> “accepted”<br />
wisdom. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong>re ought to be no boundaries on <strong>the</strong> possible alternatives<br />
considered in <strong>the</strong> public sphere. Habermas (Habermas 1989) notes <strong>the</strong><br />
evolutionary progression of this view: as <strong>the</strong> market economy gradually came<br />
to produce and distribute works of philosophy, literature and art, <strong>the</strong> capitalist