Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate
CHAPTER 2. THE PUBLIC SPHERE 30 Rather, the publicist presentation of privileged private interests [public relations] was fused from the very start with political interests. “Opinion management” is distinguished from advertising by the fact that it expressly lays claim to the public sphere as one that plays a role in the political realm. Private advertisements are always directed to other private people insofar as they are consumers; the addressee of public relations is “public opinion,” or the private citizens as the public and not directly as consumers. The sender of the message hides his business intentions in the role of someone interested in the public welfare. The influencing of consumers borrows its connotations from the classic idea of a public of private people putting their reason to use and exploits its legitimations for its own ends. The accepted functions of the public sphere are integrated into the competition of organized private interests (Habermas 1989). As consequence of the dominance of the “sham” public sphere, it is difficult if not impossible to formulate a general will. Private persons believe that their actions in the degenerate public sphere, which resemble but do not represent deliberation, discussion and choice, contribute to responsible public opinion formation, as public relations “bestows on its object the authority of an object of public interest about which – this is the illusion to be created – the public of critically reflecting private people freely forms its opinion” (Habermas 1989, 194). However, with the public aspects of the public sphere stripped away, citizens are transformed into consumers, opinions into prejudices, and preferences into purchases; only the former have public consequences for state authority. The ability to formulate a general will has disappeared precisely to the extent that the publicist self-presentations of privileged private interests’ have adopted the consensus-formation behavior of creating a (false) general interest through the techniques of public relations: because publicity for specific products is generated indirectly via the detour of a feigned general interest, [public relations] creates and not only solidifies the profile of the brand and a clientele of consumers but mobilizes for the firm or brand or for an entire system a quasi-political credit, a respect of the kind one displays toward public authority (Habermas 1989, 194). The difficulty in formulating a general will can be tied to the lack of criteria for rationality in the reconstituted degenerate public sphere. Essentially, Habermas argues that the public sphere has been “refeudalized,” featuring a return to the
CHAPTER 2. THE PUBLIC SPHERE 31 publicity of representation. In a publicity of representation, the authority of the presenter, rather than the merits of the argument presented, carry the day, as a “mood of conformity with publicly presented persons or personifications” passes for political discussion, and overtakes “intelligent criticism of publicly discussed affairs” (Habermas 1989, 195). This mood infects both the private sphere and the state, as the state must increasingly compete with the realm of commodity trading for opportunities for publicity; as commodity exchange is presented to people as choices made by citizens (through public relations, presentations of the general interest), the state increasingly addresses its citizens as consumers. Consequently, the forging of what passes for consensus results increasingly from bargaining and decreasingly from deliberation; trust and reason ebb as negotiation flows; and exchange replaces conversation as the dominant mode of settling political conflict. In what Stanley (1988, 2-3) terms the “liberal” regime: citizenship is more peripheral in people’s lives than it is supposed to be in a fully democratic one. Advocates of both claim the centrality of ’participation,’ but the accents are different. Liberal politics emphasizes as its constitutive act not civically pedagogical talk but rational adaptation to the logic of market forces, including acquiescence to policies and administrative practices justified in its name. This may or may not require conversation. Liberal politics sometimes celebrates silence, or what others might call apathy, on the ground that extreme participation is chaotic. Ratifying broad choices made by elites is considered “participation” in the liberal public sphere. Conversation is limited to the presentation of policy alternatives, and deliberation within the ranges presented. Consensus in the liberal sphere is reached by clarifying the tradeoffs among options, and by engaging in “choice work” (Stanley 1988) wherein the values inherent in the alternatives presented are essentially ratified. 2.4 Dimensions of the Public Sphere This chapter has contrasted two dominant images of the public sphere’s implementation in democratic societies. The vision of the idealized public sphere requires institutions which support democratic political conversation. The function
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CHAPTER 2. THE PUBLIC SPHERE 30<br />
Ra<strong>the</strong>r, <strong>the</strong> publicist presentation of privileged private interests [public relations]<br />
was fused from <strong>the</strong> very start with political interests.<br />
“Opinion management” is distinguished from advertising by <strong>the</strong> fact that it expressly<br />
lays claim to <strong>the</strong> public sphere as one that plays a role in <strong>the</strong> political<br />
realm. Private advertisements are always directed to o<strong>the</strong>r private people insofar<br />
as <strong>the</strong>y are consumers; <strong>the</strong> addressee of public relations is “public opinion,” or<br />
<strong>the</strong> private citizens as <strong>the</strong> public and not directly as consumers. The sender of<br />
<strong>the</strong> message hides his business intentions in <strong>the</strong> role of someone interested in <strong>the</strong><br />
public welfare. The influencing of consumers borrows its connotations from <strong>the</strong><br />
classic idea of a public of private people putting <strong>the</strong>ir reason to use and exploits<br />
its legitimations for its own ends. The accepted functions of <strong>the</strong> public sphere are<br />
integrated into <strong>the</strong> competition of organized private interests (Habermas 1989).<br />
As consequence of <strong>the</strong> dominance of <strong>the</strong> “sham” public sphere, it is difficult if not<br />
impossible to formulate a general will. Private persons believe that <strong>the</strong>ir actions<br />
in <strong>the</strong> degenerate public sphere, which resemble but do not represent deliberation,<br />
discussion and choice, contribute to responsible public opinion formation, as<br />
public relations “bestows on its object <strong>the</strong> authority of an object of public interest<br />
about which – this is <strong>the</strong> illusion to be created – <strong>the</strong> public of critically reflecting<br />
private people freely forms its opinion” (Habermas 1989, 194). However, with<br />
<strong>the</strong> public aspects of <strong>the</strong> public sphere stripped away, citizens are transformed<br />
into consumers, opinions into prejudices, and preferences into purchases; only <strong>the</strong><br />
former have public consequences for state authority. The ability to formulate a<br />
general will has disappeared<br />
precisely to <strong>the</strong> extent that <strong>the</strong> publicist self-presentations of privileged private<br />
interests’ have adopted <strong>the</strong> consensus-formation behavior of creating a<br />
(false) general interest <strong>through</strong> <strong>the</strong> techniques of public relations: because<br />
publicity for specific products is generated indirectly via <strong>the</strong> detour of a<br />
feigned general interest, [public relations] creates and not only solidifies <strong>the</strong><br />
profile of <strong>the</strong> brand and a clientele of consumers but mobilizes for <strong>the</strong> firm<br />
or brand or for an entire system a quasi-political credit, a respect of <strong>the</strong> kind<br />
one displays toward public authority (Habermas 1989, 194).<br />
The difficulty in formulating a general will can be tied to <strong>the</strong> lack of criteria for<br />
rationality in <strong>the</strong> reconstituted degenerate public sphere. Essentially, Habermas<br />
argues that <strong>the</strong> public sphere has been “refeudalized,” featuring a return to <strong>the</strong>