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Expanding the Public Sphere through Computer ... - ResearchGate

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CHAPTER 2. THE PUBLIC SPHERE 25<br />

new model <strong>the</strong> convivial discussion among individuals gave way to more or<br />

less noncommittal group activities. These too assumed fixed forms of informal<br />

sociability, yet <strong>the</strong>y lacked that specific institutional power that had<br />

once ensured <strong>the</strong> interconnectedness of sociable contacts as <strong>the</strong> substratum<br />

of public communication – no public was formed around group activities.<br />

The characteristic relationship of a privacy oriented toward an audience was<br />

no longer present when people went to <strong>the</strong> movies toge<strong>the</strong>r, listened to <strong>the</strong><br />

radio, or watched TV. The communication of <strong>the</strong> public that debated critically<br />

about culture remained dependent on reading pursued in <strong>the</strong> closed-off<br />

privacy of <strong>the</strong> home. The leisure activities of <strong>the</strong> culture-consuming public,<br />

on <strong>the</strong> contrary, <strong>the</strong>mselves take place within a social climate, and <strong>the</strong>y do<br />

not require any fur<strong>the</strong>r discussions. The private form of appropriation removed<br />

<strong>the</strong> ground for a communication about what has been appropriated<br />

(163).<br />

This is in marked contrast to <strong>the</strong> private realm of commodity exchange – which<br />

Habermas (1989) suggests replaces <strong>the</strong> idealized public sphere – in which individuals<br />

act on <strong>the</strong>ir own best interests as individuals, and not as a public. The<br />

idealized public sphere which had grown as a part of <strong>the</strong> private realm was replaced<br />

by what Habermas (1989, 160) calls <strong>the</strong> “pseudo-public or sham-private”<br />

sphere of culture consumption, or what o<strong>the</strong>rs call <strong>the</strong> “liberal public sphere” (see,<br />

for example, Stanley (1988), Pateman (1970), and Calhoun (1992)). As <strong>the</strong> private<br />

realm increasingly became dominated by struggles over resources, increasingly<br />

regulated by <strong>the</strong> forces of economic competition, increasingly oriented to<br />

<strong>the</strong> “dictates of life’s necessities,” it ceased to support a public sphere with a political<br />

character, “in <strong>the</strong> Greek sense of being emancipated from <strong>the</strong> constraints”<br />

(Habermas 1989, 160) of everyday life. The idealized political public sphere had<br />

presupposed a separation inside <strong>the</strong> private realm between, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, affairs<br />

that private people pursued individually and, on <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong> sort of interaction<br />

that united private people into a public. But as soon as and to <strong>the</strong> degree that<br />

<strong>the</strong> public sphere in <strong>the</strong> world of letters spread into <strong>the</strong> realm of consumption, this<br />

threshold became leveled. So-called leisure behavior, once it had become part of<br />

<strong>the</strong> cycle of production and consumption, was already apolitical, if for no o<strong>the</strong>r<br />

reason than its incapacity to constitute a world emancipated from <strong>the</strong> immediate<br />

constraints of survival needs:<br />

When leisure becomes nothing more than a complement to time spent on<br />

<strong>the</strong> job, it could be no more than a different arena for <strong>the</strong> pursuit of private<br />

business affairs that were not transformed into a public communication

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