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Thailand - Stop TB Partnership

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High-level political commitment?<br />

The adoption of the Amsterdam Declaration to <strong>Stop</strong> <strong>TB</strong> in 2000 marked an important<br />

milestone in the attempt to muster high-level political commitment to a reinvigorated global<br />

<strong>TB</strong> control effort. Governments of the countries with the highest burden of <strong>TB</strong> pledged<br />

to expand access to the WHO-recommended DOTS framework for <strong>TB</strong> control in their<br />

countries; 2 to ensure sufficient human and financial resources to support implementation;<br />

to monitor and evaluate their national <strong>TB</strong> programs in line with WHO standards; to ensure<br />

“quality, access, transparency and timely supply” of <strong>TB</strong> drugs; and to support partnerships<br />

with NGOs and the community. 3<br />

However, rhetorical commitment to the Declaration has not been reflected in adequate<br />

budgetary allocations at the national and subnational levels. Without strong national<br />

leadership, state and local officials are less likely to give budgetary priority to either <strong>TB</strong> control,<br />

particularly in highly decentralized political systems as in Brazil and Nigeria, or health<br />

care reforms, as in Tanzania and <strong>Thailand</strong>, where cost-cutting measures have had a dramatic<br />

impact on the capacity of national <strong>TB</strong> programs, particularly with regard to monitoring and<br />

evaluation, staffing, and training.<br />

Underfunding of the health sector in general has compromised capacity to treat <strong>TB</strong><br />

within existing public health systems in Bangladesh, Nigeria, and Tanzania. The executive<br />

director of Nigeria’s National Primary Health Care Development Agency commented that<br />

“where [primary health care] services are available, the quality is such that people prefer<br />

to go elsewhere for the services.” 4 Public Health Watch researchers from all five countries<br />

judged that government spending on <strong>TB</strong> was inadequate to ensure the effective implementation<br />

of national <strong>TB</strong> policies. For example, only about two-thirds of all Bangladeshi laboratories<br />

have the capacity to perform high-quality smear tests, 5 and laboratory rooms in some<br />

subdistricts are small and poorly ventilated, creating health risks for staff. As researcher<br />

Afsan Chowdhury noted, “If you measure political commitment [in Bangladesh] in terms<br />

of resource mobilization—if you see this as a measure of the extent to which <strong>TB</strong> is on the<br />

political agenda—it’s low, there’s not much.” 6 <strong>TB</strong> workers are underpaid and overworked,<br />

leading to high turnover, sagging morale, and low recruitment. As funding for <strong>TB</strong> control<br />

has declined in Brazil over the past few decades, so has the prestige of <strong>TB</strong> work, even as<br />

increased investment in HIV/AIDS since the early 1990s has helped enhance the status of<br />

HIV/AIDS workers.<br />

In Brazil, Nigeria, Tanzania, and <strong>Thailand</strong>, the HIV/AIDS epidemic has fueled a<br />

dramatic resurgence in <strong>TB</strong> rates and put an additional strain on health infrastructures, yet<br />

governments have been slow to respond with corresponding increases in <strong>TB</strong> budgets and<br />

personnel. In Tanzania, the resurgence in <strong>TB</strong> rates—a six-fold increase in the number of<br />

cases between 1983 and 2003—has largely been attributed to the HIV epidemic. HIV preva-<br />

14<br />

<strong>TB</strong> POLICY IN THAILAND

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