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PRIVAtE BANKERS AND ItALIAN INDUStRIALISAtION 183<br />

Apparently, only in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> construction <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> railways (which in Italy<br />

as in <strong>the</strong> rest <strong>of</strong> Europe was launched primarily in <strong>the</strong> 1840s and 50s) was shortterm<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>itability a secondary factor, precisely because it was taken over by a form<br />

<strong>of</strong> state guarantee <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> return on investment. This was probably <strong>the</strong> real reason<br />

that drove many <strong>private</strong> bankers to support <strong>the</strong> financing <strong>of</strong> railway construction<br />

projects in Naples, and in Turin and Florence. Despite this, <strong>the</strong> investment in<br />

infrastructures was also <strong>the</strong> first occasion on which <strong>the</strong> Italian <strong>private</strong> <strong>banking</strong><br />

<strong>world</strong> demonstrated that it at least shared <strong>the</strong> expectations <strong>of</strong> medium-long term<br />

economic development that o<strong>the</strong>r sectors <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> society <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pre-unitary States<br />

revealed in a more open and marked manner.<br />

O<strong>the</strong>r basic elements, already mentioned above, also contributed to <strong>the</strong><br />

interest in <strong>the</strong> investment in <strong>the</strong> railways; in particular <strong>the</strong> frequently subordinate<br />

relationship with <strong>the</strong> big foreign banks, within a context which both before and<br />

after unification featured a highly significant presence <strong>of</strong> foreign capital and knowhow<br />

in <strong>the</strong> railway construction sector. 21<br />

Then, in <strong>the</strong> 1850s, <strong>the</strong> opportunities for investment beyond <strong>the</strong> two sectors<br />

(public debt and railways) on which many <strong>private</strong> bankers had hinged <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

business began to be intensified, thus attracting even <strong>the</strong> <strong>banking</strong> houses, which<br />

had previously restricted <strong>the</strong>ir activity almost exclusively to advances to merchants<br />

or, as in Genoa, to shipbuilders. Never<strong>the</strong>less, although <strong>the</strong> signals were more than<br />

sporadic, it is still difficult, and essentially also mistaken, to generalise this trend<br />

to <strong>the</strong> entire country.<br />

In Milan, certain <strong>banking</strong> houses traditionally linked to <strong>the</strong> silk trade also<br />

began to examine o<strong>the</strong>r openings for financial investment. Generally, however,<br />

such intervention was focused on very specific cases, where <strong>the</strong>re were property<br />

guarantees and certified market openings for <strong>the</strong> products involved. Some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

most famous Milanese merchant banks (Mylius, Esengrini, Decio, Kevenhüller)<br />

in 1846 financed <strong>the</strong> setting up <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Elvetica company, which produced rolling<br />

stock for <strong>the</strong> Milano-Monza railway company and for <strong>the</strong> Lombardo-Veneta<br />

railroad company. Ano<strong>the</strong>r <strong>banking</strong> house, that <strong>of</strong> Felice Noseda, <strong>of</strong>fered financial<br />

backing to a company engaged in supplying railway carriages to <strong>the</strong> Lombardo-<br />

Veneta, <strong>the</strong> Grandona & C., but in this case, as well as <strong>the</strong> guarantee <strong>of</strong>fered by<br />

<strong>the</strong> contract with <strong>the</strong> railway company, <strong>the</strong>re were also family ties (Grandona had<br />

married Noseda’s sister) which in a certain sense underpinned <strong>the</strong> entire operation.<br />

Ano<strong>the</strong>r and different case is that <strong>of</strong> Giulio Richard, who moved to Milan from<br />

ottocentesca’, in D. Bigazzi (ed.), Storie di imprenditori (Bologna, 1996), pp. 97–157; D.L.<br />

Cagliotti, ‘Imprenditori evangelici nel Mezzogiorno dell’Ottocento’, in Archivi e imprese,<br />

vol. 8, 16, 1997, pp. 245–81; B. Armani, ‘Banchieri e imprenditori ebrei nella Firenze<br />

dell’Ottocento: due storie di famiglia tra identità a integrazione’, in Archivi e Imprese, vol.<br />

16, 1997, pp. 333–64.<br />

21<br />

G. Guderzo, Vie e mezzi di comunicazione in Piemonte dal 1831 al 1861 (Turin,<br />

1961); Davis, Società e imprenditori, pp. 143–8; A. Giuntini, Leopoldo e il treno: Le<br />

ferrovie nel Granducato di Toscana 1824–1861 (Naples, 1991).

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