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the world of private banking

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xvi<br />

THE WORLD OF PRIVAtE BANKING<br />

ra<strong>the</strong>r specialized activities, free from competition from joint stock banks. They<br />

have usually dealt with fairly exclusive customers, for example high net worth<br />

individuals, to use today’s terminology, or foreign governments. The volume <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>ir business has tended to be comparatively low (if measured by <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong><br />

customers or branches), but <strong>the</strong>ir pr<strong>of</strong>it margins relatively high. And <strong>the</strong>y have<br />

consistently been able to influence, and sometimes lead, <strong>the</strong> pr<strong>of</strong>ession, through<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir socio-pr<strong>of</strong>essional status, <strong>the</strong>ir networks <strong>of</strong> relationships, but also <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

innovative capacity. There have been some digressions from this pattern: <strong>private</strong><br />

country banks in particular, which flourished in <strong>the</strong> nineteenth century in countries<br />

such as France and Germany, were clearly catering for ‘ordinary’ customers. And<br />

some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> ‘specialized’ areas dominated by <strong>private</strong> bankers could be very large<br />

indeed, for example <strong>the</strong> international issuing business in <strong>the</strong> City <strong>of</strong> London<br />

before <strong>the</strong> First World War. But <strong>the</strong>y are <strong>the</strong> exceptions that confirm <strong>the</strong> rule:<br />

throughout <strong>the</strong>ir history, <strong>private</strong> banks have been specialist, ra<strong>the</strong>r than generalist,<br />

financial institutions.<br />

Private <strong>banking</strong> has also been essentially a matter <strong>of</strong> networks. First and<br />

foremost family networks, as <strong>private</strong> banks have tended to be family firms – <strong>the</strong>y<br />

can be defined as banks whose owners are also managers, legally organized as<br />

partnerships or general partnerships, with partners having unlimited responsibility. <br />

As institutions, <strong>private</strong> banks can still be defined in this way today, and some<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m are still alive and kicking, especially in Geneva, <strong>the</strong> ‘capital <strong>of</strong> <strong>private</strong><br />

<strong>banking</strong>’. However, <strong>the</strong> notion <strong>of</strong> ‘<strong>private</strong> <strong>banking</strong>’ has changed since <strong>the</strong> last<br />

quarter <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> twentieth century and now designates a specific activity – portfolio<br />

management on behalf <strong>of</strong> very wealthy individuals – ra<strong>the</strong>r than a form <strong>of</strong> business<br />

organization. This activity is nowadays mostly being carried out by large universal<br />

banks, and yet family networks are still part <strong>of</strong> <strong>private</strong> <strong>banking</strong>, for example in<br />

<strong>the</strong> management <strong>of</strong> family wealth, as witnessed by <strong>the</strong> development <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

Family Office. Religious networks have been ano<strong>the</strong>r major constituent, <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

superimposed to family ones, as exemplified by national or international <strong>banking</strong><br />

dynasties – <strong>the</strong> Rothschilds being <strong>the</strong> most famous though by no means <strong>the</strong> only<br />

such example. The largest networks were formed by <strong>the</strong> Protestant and Jewish<br />

religious minorities, <strong>the</strong> former dominant in <strong>the</strong> eighteenth century, <strong>the</strong> latter in<br />

<strong>the</strong> nineteenth, with o<strong>the</strong>r denominations, not least <strong>the</strong> Quakers, also leaving <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

mark. Religious networks have certainly weakened, though <strong>the</strong>y have not entirely<br />

disappeared and still play a role in terms <strong>of</strong> cultural identity. Moreover, elements<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir modus operandi can be found in o<strong>the</strong>r types <strong>of</strong> network relationships –<br />

political, ethnic, ‘old boys’, and o<strong>the</strong>rs. Finally, social networks have also been part<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fabric <strong>of</strong> <strong>private</strong> <strong>banking</strong>, here again <strong>of</strong>ten in conjunction with family and<br />

religious factors. The gradual integration <strong>of</strong> <strong>private</strong> bankers into <strong>the</strong> upper classes<br />

from <strong>the</strong> mid-nineteenth century and <strong>the</strong>ir ever closer links with <strong>the</strong> political elites<br />

have been both a cause and a consequence <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir moving <strong>the</strong>ir business upmarket<br />

<br />

Limited partnerships and even joint stock companies whose directors retained <strong>the</strong><br />

major part <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> capital should also be considered as ‘<strong>private</strong> banks’.

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