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Amir Weiner Getting to Know You

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44 AMIR WEINER AND AIGI RAHI-TAMM<br />

bears striking resemblance <strong>to</strong> the Soviet case but also highlights the<br />

latter’s distinctiveness. Much like the societies studied in this article,<br />

newly independent Israel gained control over a national-religious entity<br />

hostile <strong>to</strong> its very existence and then moved <strong>to</strong> integrate it as citizens<br />

while subjecting it <strong>to</strong> nearly two decades of military rule and pervasive<br />

surveillance. Informants multiplied in every sphere of public life, drawn <strong>to</strong><br />

the security services by ruthless blackmail and intimidation, the realization<br />

of Israel’s permanence and power, attraction <strong>to</strong> the state’s modern and<br />

democratic features, and rewards—such as preferential treatment in<br />

leasing land, family unification, payments, freedom of movement, the<br />

right <strong>to</strong> carry arms, the blind eye turned on smuggling activities, and<br />

career promotion. The results have been impressive, if ambiguous: the<br />

Arab minority has been thoroughly infiltrated and neutralized but only<br />

within certain limits. Inhibited by legal-democratic structures and beliefs<br />

that countered its inherent aggressiveness, as well as the state’s opting for<br />

ethno-religious over universalist national identity, the Israeli surveillance<br />

system often failed <strong>to</strong> penetrate at the family level and reap the benefits of<br />

a supranational community. In a word, it lacked the two key features that<br />

made the Soviet system so powerful. 124<br />

Indeed, the magnitude of Soviet violence often obscured its ambitious<br />

revolutionary dimensions, which, in turn, bred distinct socialist patterns of<br />

surveillance. Much like their counterparts within the pre-1939 borders, the<br />

populations of the western frontier realized early on that the Soviets sought<br />

<strong>to</strong> reach everyone and everywhere and pursued the <strong>to</strong>tal submission and<br />

transformation of anyone they laid their hands on, informants included.<br />

Surveillance was often the initial encounter with Soviet power and its<br />

bureaucratic machinery, introducing new constituencies <strong>to</strong> the rules of the<br />

Soviet game, teaching them who and what was legitimate and who and what<br />

was not. 125 The homogenizing drives, shaped by a universalist ethos and<br />

conspira<strong>to</strong>rial political culture, overwhelmed their various constituencies,<br />

conveyed the aura of inevitability and permanence, and institutionalized everexpanding<br />

social infiltration, equal-opportunity recruitment of informants,<br />

and the gathering of vast information for use in restructuring society and<br />

124 Hillel Cohen, Good Arabs: The Israeli Security Agencies and the Israeli Arabs, 1948–1967<br />

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010).<br />

125 See Nick Baron’s insightful observations, “Remaking Soviet Society: The Filtration of<br />

Returnees from Nazi Germany, 1944–49,” in Warlands: Population Resettlements and State<br />

Reconstruction in the Soviet–East European Borderlands, 1945–50, ed. Peter Gatrell and Nick<br />

Baron (New York: Palgrave, 2009), 89–116.

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