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Stefan Leiderer et al.<br />

These findings do not refer to a developing country but to PFM in the German<br />

capital, Berlin, in the late 1990s. An in<strong>for</strong>mal ‘second budget cycle’ had<br />

been established and was almost completely separated from the official<br />

budget cycle in response to the severe financial constraints the municipal<br />

administration was facing.<br />

In organisational sociology literature, it is a well-established phenomenon<br />

that administrative systems in modern democracies tend to increase their<br />

autonomy and discretionary space <strong>for</strong> in<strong>for</strong>mal practices when the political<br />

and administrative system suffers from work overload (Luhmann 1987, 142–<br />

151). There<strong>for</strong>e, the question is legitimate in how far PFM in Malawi really<br />

differs from other, well-consolidated and in general sufficiently well functioning<br />

PFM systems in developed countries. This study would argue that<br />

what makes the case of Malawi special is not the mere existence of uncertainty,<br />

an ad hoc mode of planning and budgeting and in<strong>for</strong>mal practices in<br />

general but rather the quality of these problems as well their occurrence in a<br />

typical sub-Saharan African institutional context. There<strong>for</strong>e, the major differences<br />

to PFM in developed countries apart from the lack of qualified staff are<br />

the following:<br />

— The extent of uncertainty: In addition to relying on a narrow and highly<br />

vulnerable tax base, Malawi heavily depends on donors to finance its<br />

state and most other public expenditure. As donor behaviour is identified<br />

as one major source of uncertainty in PFM, this dependency implies<br />

that the extent of uncertainty with regard to financial resources in the<br />

budget process is also extraordinarily high.<br />

— <strong>Institut</strong>ional context: Formal institutions as well as laws and regulations<br />

are not yet consolidated and habitualised as relevant and dominant<br />

guidelines <strong>for</strong> administrative action. They often do not serve the purpose<br />

of “absorbing” uncertainty (see Section 7.1.1). To institutionalise procedures<br />

and establishing routines is a long-term process that is still ongoing.<br />

The effects of uncertainty, ad hoc mode of planning and budgeting as well as<br />

in<strong>for</strong>mal practices in such a context are completely different from those of<br />

consolidated democracies with strong administrative systems. While these<br />

features also affect the public perception of administrative procedures negatively<br />

in the context of developed countries, they do not jeopardise the system<br />

and the procedures as such. This is completely different in a context where<br />

institutions and <strong>for</strong>mal rules and procedures are not yet consolidated and<br />

142<br />

German Development <strong>Institut</strong>e

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