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Russian Nuclear Weapons: Past, Present, and Future

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The following analysis from 2004 took into account<br />

both the limited nuclear capability China had at that<br />

time <strong>and</strong> the possibilities that could ensue based on<br />

the ongoing development of those forces:<br />

Despite the significant qualitative makeup of the current<br />

Chinese nuclear missile potential, its combat capabilities<br />

are quite limited; it would hardly be adequate to<br />

destroy highly protected comm<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> control posts<br />

<strong>and</strong> could not substantially degrade Russia’s ground<br />

<strong>and</strong> sea-based strategic nuclear forces. However, this<br />

potential would be capable of substantially degrading<br />

the <strong>Russian</strong> Federation Armed Forces group in<br />

the Far Eastern theater of Military Operations <strong>and</strong> of<br />

doing major damage to the population <strong>and</strong> economy<br />

not only in the Far Eastern <strong>and</strong> Urals regions, but even<br />

in the Central Region of European Russia. According<br />

to available data, so far China does not have missile<br />

systems with MIRVed warheads, but the upsurge in<br />

activity related to the building of antimissile defense<br />

systems could accelerate its development of that type<br />

of weapons system, including antimissile defense<br />

countermeasures. It should be noted that the PRC’s<br />

economic <strong>and</strong> technological potential is quite adequate<br />

for a quantitative <strong>and</strong> qualitative breakthrough in the<br />

area of its strategic offensive weapons development. 156<br />

Given the aforementioned discoveries of growing<br />

Chinese interest in <strong>and</strong> capabilities for using nuclear<br />

weapons that suggest consideration of a second strike<br />

capability, which can also put much pressure on Russia’s<br />

Pacific Fleet <strong>and</strong> <strong>Russian</strong> Asia, it is underst<strong>and</strong>able<br />

why we see a rethinking of Russia’s nuclear strategy<br />

in Asia. 157<br />

Thus, Moscow is already increasingly ambivalent<br />

about the INF Treaty of 1987-88. While this part of a<br />

heightened ambivalence about most of the Gorbachevera’s<br />

arms control treaties are very much tied to the<br />

340

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