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Russian Nuclear Weapons: Past, Present, and Future

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ity is regarded as an advantage that could be<br />

traded for something tangible <strong>and</strong> should not<br />

be given away. Western attempts to persuade<br />

Russia to act on TNW (which by default means<br />

asymmetric reductions) tend to be regarded<br />

with suspicion without serious thought about<br />

the reasons for these proposals. Instead, such<br />

attempts are seen as proof that these weapons<br />

are truly valuable.<br />

• Inertia. The longer the same position is maintained,<br />

the more entrenched it becomes. A position<br />

that has been in place for over a decade can<br />

be changed either when the leadership changes<br />

(as happened when Gorbachev assumed the<br />

highest office in the Soviet Union) or when the<br />

external environment changes. Neither condition<br />

is present today.<br />

• “Capabilities-Based Planning.” The <strong>Russian</strong> elite,<br />

including the military leadership, acutely feels<br />

the uncertainty of the international environment.<br />

The main threat is still associated with<br />

the United States <strong>and</strong> its allies, but other potential<br />

threats are emerging <strong>and</strong> the <strong>Russian</strong><br />

military is reluctant to part with any assets. In<br />

2005-07, similar arguments were made in favor<br />

of the withdrawal from the INF Treaty.<br />

• Parochial Group Politics. As noted above, the<br />

Navy is interested in keeping TNW as a “justin-case”<br />

option. 43 In contrast, the Air Force<br />

appears much less interested in TNW except<br />

for weapons assigned to Tu-22M3 medium<br />

bombers. Other groups probably have even<br />

less interest in TNW, but are unlikely to invest<br />

political resources to get rid of these weapons.<br />

Similarly, the Foreign Ministry, another im-<br />

217

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