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A Comprehensive Comparison of Lexemes in the ... - SIL International

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10<br />

(2) pregnant, be (early stage) V/TR<br />

Kwamera: əp̃əh məkuə<br />

Lenakel: ap̃əs mouk<br />

In <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> ‘curly, be’ <strong>in</strong> example (3) PSV *w rema<strong>in</strong>s <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Whitesands<br />

lexeme, but <strong>in</strong> Vaha it becomes /k w /. PSV *dr has become /r/ <strong>in</strong> Whitesands and<br />

/j/ <strong>in</strong> Vaha.<br />

(3) curly, be V/A<br />

Vaha:<br />

Whitesands:<br />

kwuj<strong>in</strong>kwuj<strong>in</strong><br />

wer<strong>in</strong>wer<strong>in</strong><br />

As Table 2.1 <strong>in</strong>dicates, PSV *r becomes /l/, /r/, or /y/. Therefore, <strong>the</strong><br />

Kwamera and Lenakel lexemes for ‘grasp, feel’ <strong>in</strong> example (4) are cognates. In<br />

Lenakel, PSV *r has become /y/ and /ə/ has been dropped.<br />

(4) grasp; feel V/TR<br />

Kwamera: ərap<br />

Lenakel: yap<br />

Consonant switch<strong>in</strong>g is also a consideration when determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g cognates. In<br />

<strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> ‘float around’ <strong>in</strong> example (5), <strong>the</strong> position <strong>of</strong> /n/ relative to *s has<br />

switched <strong>in</strong> N Tanna, and PSV *s has become /h/. These two words are, <strong>the</strong>refore,<br />

treated as cognates.<br />

(5) float around V/INTR<br />

Kwamera: ənas<br />

N Tanna: əhan<br />

Likewise, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> ‘child’ <strong>in</strong> example (6), /n/ switches relative to *t <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

case <strong>of</strong> Kwamera, and PSV *t has become /r/ <strong>in</strong> Lenakel. Therefore, <strong>the</strong>se two<br />

words are also treated as cognates.<br />

(6) child N<br />

PSV *natu- 3<br />

Kwamera:<br />

Lenakel:<br />

tɨni<br />

nɨrɨ*<br />

2.1.1.2 Vowel correspondence<br />

Table 2.2 (next page), also based on Lynch’s study (Lynch 2001:203),<br />

shows vowel correspondence between modern Tanna languages and PSV. The<br />

table has been adapted to reflect modern representations <strong>of</strong> vowel values<br />

(especially /ɨ/) and to show <strong>the</strong> data from Vaha. Aga<strong>in</strong>, forms separated by<br />

3 From Lynch (2001:304).

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