Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
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96<br />
their identity is jeopardized. (These are<br />
manifested as a need to identify and<br />
glorify new heros who fought on opposite<br />
sides in the conflict; a <strong>for</strong>ced display<br />
of religion, by means of building<br />
bigger monuments; emphasizing ethnic<br />
symbols with clear-cut delineation of<br />
ethnic borders; defining "evil" with<br />
clear ethnic connotation, which is mostly<br />
apparent in the act of "revealing" the<br />
link between particular criminal acts<br />
and a specific ethnic community.) Such<br />
manifestations serve only to deepen the<br />
gap and incapacitate communication.<br />
The openly manifested identity of<br />
the "other," expressed difference, the<br />
posed demand, are perceived and experienced<br />
as a direct attack on the space<br />
where I manifest "my" identity, as confinement<br />
of my particularity and as an<br />
inability to realize my requests. In the<br />
previous post-conflict period an ef<strong>for</strong>t<br />
has not been made to expand the common<br />
space so as to fit difference, selfidentity,<br />
and meeting different interests<br />
and needs, nor have alternative solutions<br />
been offered that will open the<br />
way to the civil option. In this area<br />
interethnic relations are stuck in a deadend<br />
which offers nothing but a new conflict.<br />
EMOTIONS IMPEDE<br />
NEGOTIATIONS<br />
One feature of interethnic conflicts<br />
is their highly emotional charge, which<br />
approaches the very essence of identity<br />
and can accumulate much collective<br />
energy. The already existing negative<br />
emotions add up to the feeling of injustice,<br />
as a usual inheritance of brutal<br />
internal conflicts. Emotions, feeling of<br />
injustice, and remembrances from<br />
severe violations of human rights during<br />
armed clashes impede negotiations<br />
and stall the process. Differences in<br />
how victims of the conflict have been<br />
perceived and the nurturing of collective<br />
memories deepen the gaps between<br />
members of ethnic communities, while<br />
collective and individual traumas have<br />
been provoked over and over without<br />
offering a suitable treatment. The lack<br />
of any sort of post-conflict therapy <strong>for</strong><br />
all participants in armed activities<br />
enables the creation of a mass of disoriented<br />
malcontents who do not stand a<br />
chance to fit into everyday life. Without<br />
the equal, unbiased and fair exercising<br />
of justice, without explanation and<br />
transparency in making political decisions<br />
aimed at tackling the conflict, and<br />
without a serious engagement towards<br />
socializing the conflicted sides, one can<br />
not expect unity and confidence-building.<br />
On this issue, we are again in a<br />
dead-end that does not offer a way out<br />
except through a new conflict.<br />
The long-term strategy to lessen<br />
interethnic tensions comprises ability of<br />
the appropriate democratic structures to<br />
function and creation of a democratic<br />
atmosphere on the overall social and<br />
political scene. Is consistent building<br />
and respecting of the democratic institutions<br />
(even when it seems petty,<br />
unnecessary and trivial, or when it<br />
seems like we could find simpler and<br />
more efficient solutions) the only guarantee?<br />
A mechan<strong>ism</strong> capable of managing<br />
conflicts also needs to be established.<br />
The democratic system has to have<br />
features such as: legitimacy, inclusiveness,<br />
flexibility and capacity to constantly<br />
adjust as a pre-requisite <strong>for</strong> managing<br />
deeply rooted conflicts.<br />
Promotion of such underlying democratic<br />
values as plural<strong>ism</strong>, tolerance,<br />
negotiation and compromise, are considered<br />
to be essential in building a dam<br />
<strong>for</strong> potential armed solutions to a conflict.<br />
Contrary to this, in the previous<br />
period citizens received a message that<br />
nothing can be achieved by means of<br />
state organs and institutions, while<br />
political and any other sort of violence<br />
is a quite efficient means. This message<br />
only brings us closer to a new conflict.<br />
DESTROYING ALL<br />
CHANCES FOR<br />
INTERPERSONAL<br />
COMMUNICATION<br />
Long-term democratic development<br />
is constantly thwarted by requests <strong>for</strong><br />
quick and visible changes. The constant<br />
pressure <strong>for</strong> quick fixes (according to<br />
the principle, now and everything), taking<br />
into account different and opposing<br />
aspirations and objectives of particular<br />
ethnic communities, leads to a complete<br />
denial of the structure and the legal system.<br />
In such cases speed does not usually<br />
correspond to quality, and <strong>for</strong>m<br />
remains an empty shell without suitable<br />
content. Agreements should be a result<br />
of negotiation, finding common points<br />
and joint solutions, they are to offer<br />
alternative solutions and should reach<br />
consensus generally as well as <strong>for</strong> each<br />
point in particular. Only this type of<br />
agreement can be efficiently implemented<br />
in practice. The solution to the<br />
interethnic tensions in Republic of<br />
Macedonia has been questioned to a<br />
great extent especially because of the<br />
agreement known as the Ohrid<br />
Framework Agreement.<br />
Due to the urgency of the matter<br />
and various pressures (in particular<br />
from the international community) an<br />
agreement was prepared that does not<br />
satisfy the negotiating parties. It contains<br />
a great number of inconsistencies<br />
and as such implies extensive political<br />
voluntar<strong>ism</strong> in tackling legal issues that<br />
will appear in the course of its implementation.<br />
This implies that in the<br />
implementation stage many crucial<br />
issues should be tackled but such shifts<br />
in the legal system make it unstable and<br />
inconsistent. Thus, the process of<br />
implementation is constantly postponed,<br />
which in its turn creates insecurity,<br />
distrust of the system and a sense<br />
among the citizens of prolonged instability<br />
of the state. Applying the slowfast<br />
principle in solving conflicts, a new<br />
source of interethnic tensions is created.<br />
The way out of the cycle of conflict is<br />
blocked, so negative behavior of one<br />
side is felt as a provocation and a pretext<br />
<strong>for</strong> a suitable response which, in the<br />
long run, terminates with a request <strong>for</strong><br />
political intervention and justification<br />
<strong>for</strong> not obeying laws.<br />
The unfavorable economic situation<br />
lays a foundation <strong>for</strong> expanding<br />
interethnic tensions and inciting conflicts.<br />
Shortly after the armed conflict in<br />
the Republic of Macedonia, not only<br />
did the economy indicators not<br />
improve, but also production slackened,<br />
all aspects of the economy deteriorated,<br />
and living standards fell.<br />
Impoverishment is omnipresent and<br />
disregards ethnicity. However, it is not<br />
considered a common problem, and<br />
instead it is used as a tool <strong>for</strong> inciting<br />
interethnic tensions. Violence in the<br />
economy damages all citizens, although<br />
it is often successfully portrayed as ethnically<br />
tainted or defined. For example,<br />
"the others" avoid paying taxes, "the<br />
A new beginning, November 2002