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Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground

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96<br />

their identity is jeopardized. (These are<br />

manifested as a need to identify and<br />

glorify new heros who fought on opposite<br />

sides in the conflict; a <strong>for</strong>ced display<br />

of religion, by means of building<br />

bigger monuments; emphasizing ethnic<br />

symbols with clear-cut delineation of<br />

ethnic borders; defining "evil" with<br />

clear ethnic connotation, which is mostly<br />

apparent in the act of "revealing" the<br />

link between particular criminal acts<br />

and a specific ethnic community.) Such<br />

manifestations serve only to deepen the<br />

gap and incapacitate communication.<br />

The openly manifested identity of<br />

the "other," expressed difference, the<br />

posed demand, are perceived and experienced<br />

as a direct attack on the space<br />

where I manifest "my" identity, as confinement<br />

of my particularity and as an<br />

inability to realize my requests. In the<br />

previous post-conflict period an ef<strong>for</strong>t<br />

has not been made to expand the common<br />

space so as to fit difference, selfidentity,<br />

and meeting different interests<br />

and needs, nor have alternative solutions<br />

been offered that will open the<br />

way to the civil option. In this area<br />

interethnic relations are stuck in a deadend<br />

which offers nothing but a new conflict.<br />

EMOTIONS IMPEDE<br />

NEGOTIATIONS<br />

One feature of interethnic conflicts<br />

is their highly emotional charge, which<br />

approaches the very essence of identity<br />

and can accumulate much collective<br />

energy. The already existing negative<br />

emotions add up to the feeling of injustice,<br />

as a usual inheritance of brutal<br />

internal conflicts. Emotions, feeling of<br />

injustice, and remembrances from<br />

severe violations of human rights during<br />

armed clashes impede negotiations<br />

and stall the process. Differences in<br />

how victims of the conflict have been<br />

perceived and the nurturing of collective<br />

memories deepen the gaps between<br />

members of ethnic communities, while<br />

collective and individual traumas have<br />

been provoked over and over without<br />

offering a suitable treatment. The lack<br />

of any sort of post-conflict therapy <strong>for</strong><br />

all participants in armed activities<br />

enables the creation of a mass of disoriented<br />

malcontents who do not stand a<br />

chance to fit into everyday life. Without<br />

the equal, unbiased and fair exercising<br />

of justice, without explanation and<br />

transparency in making political decisions<br />

aimed at tackling the conflict, and<br />

without a serious engagement towards<br />

socializing the conflicted sides, one can<br />

not expect unity and confidence-building.<br />

On this issue, we are again in a<br />

dead-end that does not offer a way out<br />

except through a new conflict.<br />

The long-term strategy to lessen<br />

interethnic tensions comprises ability of<br />

the appropriate democratic structures to<br />

function and creation of a democratic<br />

atmosphere on the overall social and<br />

political scene. Is consistent building<br />

and respecting of the democratic institutions<br />

(even when it seems petty,<br />

unnecessary and trivial, or when it<br />

seems like we could find simpler and<br />

more efficient solutions) the only guarantee?<br />

A mechan<strong>ism</strong> capable of managing<br />

conflicts also needs to be established.<br />

The democratic system has to have<br />

features such as: legitimacy, inclusiveness,<br />

flexibility and capacity to constantly<br />

adjust as a pre-requisite <strong>for</strong> managing<br />

deeply rooted conflicts.<br />

Promotion of such underlying democratic<br />

values as plural<strong>ism</strong>, tolerance,<br />

negotiation and compromise, are considered<br />

to be essential in building a dam<br />

<strong>for</strong> potential armed solutions to a conflict.<br />

Contrary to this, in the previous<br />

period citizens received a message that<br />

nothing can be achieved by means of<br />

state organs and institutions, while<br />

political and any other sort of violence<br />

is a quite efficient means. This message<br />

only brings us closer to a new conflict.<br />

DESTROYING ALL<br />

CHANCES FOR<br />

INTERPERSONAL<br />

COMMUNICATION<br />

Long-term democratic development<br />

is constantly thwarted by requests <strong>for</strong><br />

quick and visible changes. The constant<br />

pressure <strong>for</strong> quick fixes (according to<br />

the principle, now and everything), taking<br />

into account different and opposing<br />

aspirations and objectives of particular<br />

ethnic communities, leads to a complete<br />

denial of the structure and the legal system.<br />

In such cases speed does not usually<br />

correspond to quality, and <strong>for</strong>m<br />

remains an empty shell without suitable<br />

content. Agreements should be a result<br />

of negotiation, finding common points<br />

and joint solutions, they are to offer<br />

alternative solutions and should reach<br />

consensus generally as well as <strong>for</strong> each<br />

point in particular. Only this type of<br />

agreement can be efficiently implemented<br />

in practice. The solution to the<br />

interethnic tensions in Republic of<br />

Macedonia has been questioned to a<br />

great extent especially because of the<br />

agreement known as the Ohrid<br />

Framework Agreement.<br />

Due to the urgency of the matter<br />

and various pressures (in particular<br />

from the international community) an<br />

agreement was prepared that does not<br />

satisfy the negotiating parties. It contains<br />

a great number of inconsistencies<br />

and as such implies extensive political<br />

voluntar<strong>ism</strong> in tackling legal issues that<br />

will appear in the course of its implementation.<br />

This implies that in the<br />

implementation stage many crucial<br />

issues should be tackled but such shifts<br />

in the legal system make it unstable and<br />

inconsistent. Thus, the process of<br />

implementation is constantly postponed,<br />

which in its turn creates insecurity,<br />

distrust of the system and a sense<br />

among the citizens of prolonged instability<br />

of the state. Applying the slowfast<br />

principle in solving conflicts, a new<br />

source of interethnic tensions is created.<br />

The way out of the cycle of conflict is<br />

blocked, so negative behavior of one<br />

side is felt as a provocation and a pretext<br />

<strong>for</strong> a suitable response which, in the<br />

long run, terminates with a request <strong>for</strong><br />

political intervention and justification<br />

<strong>for</strong> not obeying laws.<br />

The unfavorable economic situation<br />

lays a foundation <strong>for</strong> expanding<br />

interethnic tensions and inciting conflicts.<br />

Shortly after the armed conflict in<br />

the Republic of Macedonia, not only<br />

did the economy indicators not<br />

improve, but also production slackened,<br />

all aspects of the economy deteriorated,<br />

and living standards fell.<br />

Impoverishment is omnipresent and<br />

disregards ethnicity. However, it is not<br />

considered a common problem, and<br />

instead it is used as a tool <strong>for</strong> inciting<br />

interethnic tensions. Violence in the<br />

economy damages all citizens, although<br />

it is often successfully portrayed as ethnically<br />

tainted or defined. For example,<br />

"the others" avoid paying taxes, "the<br />

A new beginning, November 2002

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