Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground

88
delicate point: the return of safety
and a legal state.
The accumulated rage caused by
these obstacles, the frustration with
"our own kind", and fear for the
future are reflected by the
Macedonians through means of
clear-cut, and new, aloofness from
their co-citizens - the Albanians;
leading to a potential intolerance for
the motives of the international factors
in Macedonia.
Nevertheless, the majority of the
electorate still "holds" that state of
frustration under control, providing
surprising support for the implementation
of the framework agreement
(at times more IMPLICITLY than
explicitly).
The Albanians and their electorate
have undergone stronger
reform from the new political players
since last year's clashes. The
establishment of two political blocks
is perceivable, having fifty a percent
impact on their electorate; namely,
the block revolving around DPA,
and the one around Ali Ahmeti.
After the initial shock caused by
the clashes, the leaders of the DPA
and PDP recovered during the
lengthy Ohrid negotiations. At the
time, they were still attached to Ali
Ahmeti by an umbilical cord; but
soon they regained strength in order
to stand on "the wind of demands"
and enter with a new political card
which promised better chances than
those offered at the beginning of the
conflict. Two powerful blocks in the
"Albanian camp" mean a stabilizing
political tendency. First of all, for
the first time, Albanians will face a
situation where all parties should be
recognized as such; namely, as legitimate
representatives of various
political alternatives, and not as
means for mutual indictments for
spying on certain departments or
unlawful tendencies that lead to violence
and murders during elections.
Second, it is a means to achieve a
relatively stable configuration for
shuffles in the governing coalitions
without having to disturb the baseline.
However, the problem that is
getting more conspicuous with the
Albanians is that it does not stand to
reason that a part of them (the DPA
and Arben Xhaferi) could exert new
post-ethnic politics. They belong to
the past, or a time that passes in
front of us. These politicians clutch
at their post-socialist ethno-discourse,
without which they are incapable
of swimming in political
waters. They are, of course, terrified
at the end of the cruel ethno-story
(with the framework agreement) and
they already proclaim in panic that,
in fact, it is not the end, that they
will still act in same movie, which
will continue to run. Thus, they
become a problem in themselves.
They can not be a part of the solution
to the upcoming problems; they
would rather reproduce the old ones.
I consider those politicians, and
organized crime, to be, undeniably,
the biggest problem in contemporary
Albanian political discourse in
Macedonia. The Macedonian preelectoral
home front is comprised of
old actors with new roles. On one
hand, stands the completely limited
governing elite of VMRO-DPMNE -
fatigued with power, engulfed in
serious crimes and corruption and,
most important, gravely responsible
for the war and for not being efficient
in preventing its happening
(which was possible).
That burden brought to light the
darkest conspiracies amongst them,
such as the exchange of population
and territory with Albania and
Kosovo; the subordination of the
MOC under the Serb church; and the
total economic and political dependence
on Greece.
Even for the informed, the oscillation
of VMRO-DPMNE around
the Serbian-Greek axis and
rearrangement of a program on the
basis of adventurous, gloomy passing
ideas and caprice, will remain
without due explanation.
By means of a "great financial
boost", they attempt to mitigate the
inevitable electoral defeat; but, also,
by resorting to dangerous provocation
and spurring war psychosis, and
anti-western hysteria and isolationism,
which are regarded as a good
pre-election environment.
SDSM is hibernating, attempting
a basic door-to-door approach to
compensate for national politics and
the need to take a stand regarding
the national issues they personally
witness, as if they feel indifferent to
the state they will rule when they
come to power, or what sort of passport
the citizens will possess in their
country.
The new electoral model, proportioned
without a lower limit, will
create an opportunity for a larger
number of parties in the Parliament
and the establishment of political
blocks. It will inevitably expand the
procedure for creating a
Government and its performance,
and it will strengthen the role of the
President to balance the executive
power.
Is the adoption of this electoral
model a case of a calculated or a random
consequence? The author cannot
tell.
However, it is obvious, from this
point of view, that security and the
issue of territorial integrity will
remain outstanding for the new
Government.
Then, the issues of balancing the
impact of Greece and the steady
development of the north-south,
east-west axis will follow, by means
of which Macedonia could maintain
permanent stability. Promotion of
inclusive politics, hand-in-hand with
the new and strong rule of law and
the struggle against organized crime,
are the priorities next in line.
Macedonia stands a chance only if it
remains an open country, a country
that has an understanding of the
"cross-land discourse" syndrome.
(The Author
is a columnist for Dnevnik)
Elections for peace, July 2002