Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
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Victory of peace<br />
is important <strong>for</strong> the Union<br />
38<br />
Svetlana Jovanovska<br />
The international community<br />
has had enough of Balkan wars.<br />
Javier Solana, chief among the<br />
fifteen European diplomats who<br />
has been flying on the Skopje-<br />
Brussels route <strong>for</strong> three months<br />
now as clearly stated it. Those<br />
who still see him as the leader of<br />
the alliance during the bombing<br />
of Yugoslavia two years ago are<br />
wrong. This is a different man.<br />
This time his political role is different<br />
and the whole strategy has<br />
changed direction. We could also<br />
say it in a simpler and more cynical<br />
way. If it is true that NATO<br />
needed war in the Balkans two<br />
years ago, this time it certainly<br />
needs peace. Maybe not because<br />
of Macedonia, which is after all a<br />
small country with a little more<br />
than 2 million inhabitants and<br />
with no worldly economic<br />
importance. But because of<br />
NATO itself, whose European<br />
future has been placed on the<br />
Balkan table, and because of the<br />
European Union. The Union puts<br />
the credibility of its common<br />
security and <strong>for</strong>eign politics,<br />
which is beginning to expand, on<br />
the same table. Regardless of all<br />
official statements coming from<br />
Europe and the US stating that<br />
action in Kosovo was a success,<br />
it won't be true until all parts of<br />
the Balkans are finally stable.<br />
Until that happens, NATO and<br />
the EU still have a lot of work to<br />
do. Ef<strong>for</strong>ts <strong>for</strong> preserving the territorial<br />
integrity of Macedonia<br />
are neither empty phrases uttered<br />
by Robertson, Solana and all the<br />
Euro-Atlantic leaders, nor a transient<br />
idea that can be changed<br />
under pressure. Preserving the<br />
territorial integrity of Macedonia<br />
is an investment in what is starting<br />
to look like a well-planned,<br />
serious international strategy,<br />
after all the previous good and<br />
bad initiatives offered by the<br />
international community in the<br />
Balkans<br />
UNLEARNT<br />
LESSONS FROM<br />
KOSOVO<br />
Some Albanian circles, and<br />
especially the radical ones in<br />
Kosovo and Macedonia, did<br />
not interpret NATO's intervention<br />
in Yugoslavia correctly.<br />
And they did not learn any lessons<br />
from it, unlike the international<br />
community and other<br />
Balkan countries. They did not<br />
understand that NATO's aim<br />
was, among other things, to<br />
prevent humanitarian catastrophe<br />
and to get the province out<br />
of the clutches of Slobodan<br />
Miloshevich and his cruel<br />
repression. However, the<br />
attempt to defeat the repression<br />
and Serbian national<strong>ism</strong><br />
should not have been interpreted<br />
as a green light <strong>for</strong> independence<br />
and the spread of<br />
Albanian national<strong>ism</strong>, based<br />
on the dream of Greater<br />
Albania.<br />
NATO came to Kosovo<br />
after the bombing, but that<br />
happened after a difficult public<br />
struggle between countriesmembers<br />
of the EU-because it<br />
was not easy to justify a 70<br />
days of bombing of a European<br />
country at the end of the twentieth<br />
century. When NATO<br />
came to Kosovo, it was aware<br />
of two basic things. First, that<br />
it would not leave Kosovo <strong>for</strong><br />
a long, long time. And second,<br />
that they must not allow<br />
confrontation with the<br />
Albanians in which NATO soldiers<br />
would be hostages and<br />
would find themselves in the<br />
same absurd situation as the<br />
blue helmets in Bosnia. That is<br />
why the international community<br />
overlooks Albanian<br />
extrem<strong>ism</strong>, illegal crossing of<br />
What now, June 2001