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Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground

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Victory of peace<br />

is important <strong>for</strong> the Union<br />

38<br />

Svetlana Jovanovska<br />

The international community<br />

has had enough of Balkan wars.<br />

Javier Solana, chief among the<br />

fifteen European diplomats who<br />

has been flying on the Skopje-<br />

Brussels route <strong>for</strong> three months<br />

now as clearly stated it. Those<br />

who still see him as the leader of<br />

the alliance during the bombing<br />

of Yugoslavia two years ago are<br />

wrong. This is a different man.<br />

This time his political role is different<br />

and the whole strategy has<br />

changed direction. We could also<br />

say it in a simpler and more cynical<br />

way. If it is true that NATO<br />

needed war in the Balkans two<br />

years ago, this time it certainly<br />

needs peace. Maybe not because<br />

of Macedonia, which is after all a<br />

small country with a little more<br />

than 2 million inhabitants and<br />

with no worldly economic<br />

importance. But because of<br />

NATO itself, whose European<br />

future has been placed on the<br />

Balkan table, and because of the<br />

European Union. The Union puts<br />

the credibility of its common<br />

security and <strong>for</strong>eign politics,<br />

which is beginning to expand, on<br />

the same table. Regardless of all<br />

official statements coming from<br />

Europe and the US stating that<br />

action in Kosovo was a success,<br />

it won't be true until all parts of<br />

the Balkans are finally stable.<br />

Until that happens, NATO and<br />

the EU still have a lot of work to<br />

do. Ef<strong>for</strong>ts <strong>for</strong> preserving the territorial<br />

integrity of Macedonia<br />

are neither empty phrases uttered<br />

by Robertson, Solana and all the<br />

Euro-Atlantic leaders, nor a transient<br />

idea that can be changed<br />

under pressure. Preserving the<br />

territorial integrity of Macedonia<br />

is an investment in what is starting<br />

to look like a well-planned,<br />

serious international strategy,<br />

after all the previous good and<br />

bad initiatives offered by the<br />

international community in the<br />

Balkans<br />

UNLEARNT<br />

LESSONS FROM<br />

KOSOVO<br />

Some Albanian circles, and<br />

especially the radical ones in<br />

Kosovo and Macedonia, did<br />

not interpret NATO's intervention<br />

in Yugoslavia correctly.<br />

And they did not learn any lessons<br />

from it, unlike the international<br />

community and other<br />

Balkan countries. They did not<br />

understand that NATO's aim<br />

was, among other things, to<br />

prevent humanitarian catastrophe<br />

and to get the province out<br />

of the clutches of Slobodan<br />

Miloshevich and his cruel<br />

repression. However, the<br />

attempt to defeat the repression<br />

and Serbian national<strong>ism</strong><br />

should not have been interpreted<br />

as a green light <strong>for</strong> independence<br />

and the spread of<br />

Albanian national<strong>ism</strong>, based<br />

on the dream of Greater<br />

Albania.<br />

NATO came to Kosovo<br />

after the bombing, but that<br />

happened after a difficult public<br />

struggle between countriesmembers<br />

of the EU-because it<br />

was not easy to justify a 70<br />

days of bombing of a European<br />

country at the end of the twentieth<br />

century. When NATO<br />

came to Kosovo, it was aware<br />

of two basic things. First, that<br />

it would not leave Kosovo <strong>for</strong><br />

a long, long time. And second,<br />

that they must not allow<br />

confrontation with the<br />

Albanians in which NATO soldiers<br />

would be hostages and<br />

would find themselves in the<br />

same absurd situation as the<br />

blue helmets in Bosnia. That is<br />

why the international community<br />

overlooks Albanian<br />

extrem<strong>ism</strong>, illegal crossing of<br />

What now, June 2001

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