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Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground

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The time has come<br />

to do something<br />

Mirjana Najchevska<br />

Flags, slogans and calls to violence sound very attractive,<br />

and we can easily get carried away. Nevertheless,<br />

these are anachron<strong>ism</strong>s, characteristic of another time;<br />

a time that is passing and that can neither bring us closer<br />

to democracy nor replace it.<br />

Finally, everyone has become<br />

aware that interethnic relations in<br />

Macedonia are not relaxed and that<br />

they represent a source of conflict. The<br />

bad side of this is that everyone is dissatisfied<br />

(<strong>for</strong> different reasons but dissatisfied<br />

nonetheless). The good side is<br />

that we have a chance to face reality<br />

and real problems (if we remove the<br />

blinders tied on by political slogans,<br />

demagogues, and rhetorical per<strong>for</strong>mances<br />

by individuals from different<br />

nationalities, sexes, educational levels,<br />

parties, etc.). In such a situation it is<br />

worth reminding ourselves what we<br />

wanted "at the beginning" when<br />

changes in the system seemed<br />

inevitable and indisputable.<br />

The model <strong>for</strong> governance and law<br />

that Macedonia tried to abandon in<br />

1991 was a one-party model in which<br />

the party dominated the law. At least<br />

that is what the so-called leaders of<br />

change said. Over the developments of<br />

the past ten years the one-party system<br />

has been overcome. Very little has<br />

been done, however, to surmount the<br />

domination of political and party aims<br />

at the expense of the development of<br />

the state's legal framework. Not <strong>for</strong> an<br />

instant has the law positioned itself to<br />

challenge the parochial or group interests<br />

of political and party leaders.<br />

This de<strong>for</strong>mation in the development<br />

of newly <strong>for</strong>med state laws has<br />

been fatally reflected in one of<br />

Macedonian society's most sensitive<br />

segments; that is, in interethnic relations.<br />

Namely, establishing a lawful<br />

state and defining the principles <strong>for</strong> the<br />

rule of law and the domination of law<br />

over politics represented one of the<br />

guarantees <strong>for</strong> the existence of<br />

Macedonia as a multiethnic, multicultural,<br />

and multiconfessional state.<br />

These principles promised the general<br />

application of law instead of political<br />

will, an individual rather than collective<br />

approach, and gravitation toward a<br />

civic rather than an ethnic foundation<br />

<strong>for</strong> society.<br />

To become a part of legal regulations<br />

rather than party deal-making,<br />

interethnic relations should have been<br />

put on the agenda. Legislators then<br />

should have identified all problems<br />

interethnic relations could cause and<br />

should have found suitable legislative<br />

solutions.<br />

The first mistake was made when<br />

the framers of Macedonia's constitution<br />

failed to identify interethnic relations<br />

as a priority in operationalizing<br />

the new framework of governance and<br />

law. That failure trans<strong>for</strong>med the constant<br />

creation and solution of interethnic<br />

conflicts into part of the political<br />

game and the fight <strong>for</strong> power. This is<br />

turn led to an unstable balance in<br />

interethnic life that could be destroyed<br />

at any time by any political factor trying<br />

to gain political points and posi-<br />

21<br />

Liberation from war, April 2001

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