Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
The time has come<br />
to do something<br />
Mirjana Najchevska<br />
Flags, slogans and calls to violence sound very attractive,<br />
and we can easily get carried away. Nevertheless,<br />
these are anachron<strong>ism</strong>s, characteristic of another time;<br />
a time that is passing and that can neither bring us closer<br />
to democracy nor replace it.<br />
Finally, everyone has become<br />
aware that interethnic relations in<br />
Macedonia are not relaxed and that<br />
they represent a source of conflict. The<br />
bad side of this is that everyone is dissatisfied<br />
(<strong>for</strong> different reasons but dissatisfied<br />
nonetheless). The good side is<br />
that we have a chance to face reality<br />
and real problems (if we remove the<br />
blinders tied on by political slogans,<br />
demagogues, and rhetorical per<strong>for</strong>mances<br />
by individuals from different<br />
nationalities, sexes, educational levels,<br />
parties, etc.). In such a situation it is<br />
worth reminding ourselves what we<br />
wanted "at the beginning" when<br />
changes in the system seemed<br />
inevitable and indisputable.<br />
The model <strong>for</strong> governance and law<br />
that Macedonia tried to abandon in<br />
1991 was a one-party model in which<br />
the party dominated the law. At least<br />
that is what the so-called leaders of<br />
change said. Over the developments of<br />
the past ten years the one-party system<br />
has been overcome. Very little has<br />
been done, however, to surmount the<br />
domination of political and party aims<br />
at the expense of the development of<br />
the state's legal framework. Not <strong>for</strong> an<br />
instant has the law positioned itself to<br />
challenge the parochial or group interests<br />
of political and party leaders.<br />
This de<strong>for</strong>mation in the development<br />
of newly <strong>for</strong>med state laws has<br />
been fatally reflected in one of<br />
Macedonian society's most sensitive<br />
segments; that is, in interethnic relations.<br />
Namely, establishing a lawful<br />
state and defining the principles <strong>for</strong> the<br />
rule of law and the domination of law<br />
over politics represented one of the<br />
guarantees <strong>for</strong> the existence of<br />
Macedonia as a multiethnic, multicultural,<br />
and multiconfessional state.<br />
These principles promised the general<br />
application of law instead of political<br />
will, an individual rather than collective<br />
approach, and gravitation toward a<br />
civic rather than an ethnic foundation<br />
<strong>for</strong> society.<br />
To become a part of legal regulations<br />
rather than party deal-making,<br />
interethnic relations should have been<br />
put on the agenda. Legislators then<br />
should have identified all problems<br />
interethnic relations could cause and<br />
should have found suitable legislative<br />
solutions.<br />
The first mistake was made when<br />
the framers of Macedonia's constitution<br />
failed to identify interethnic relations<br />
as a priority in operationalizing<br />
the new framework of governance and<br />
law. That failure trans<strong>for</strong>med the constant<br />
creation and solution of interethnic<br />
conflicts into part of the political<br />
game and the fight <strong>for</strong> power. This is<br />
turn led to an unstable balance in<br />
interethnic life that could be destroyed<br />
at any time by any political factor trying<br />
to gain political points and posi-<br />
21<br />
Liberation from war, April 2001