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Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground

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130<br />

tions; the President of the Republic<br />

practically led the discussion with his<br />

team being superior to the other representatives<br />

of the Macedonian political<br />

entities.<br />

INTERNATIONAL<br />

GUARANTEES<br />

International guarantors of the<br />

agreement (and this is a rule <strong>for</strong> successful<br />

agreements) must possess<br />

enough authority to establish a framework<br />

and a lasting agreement. They<br />

should provide what is known as carrot-and-stick<br />

measures. They provide<br />

clear-cut and decisive threats which<br />

effectively penalize and marginalize<br />

any violators of the agreement. They<br />

also provide some sort of assistance<br />

package and further international integration<br />

<strong>for</strong> successful implementation<br />

of the agreement.<br />

In spite of much critic<strong>ism</strong> entangled<br />

in the mist of frustration stemming<br />

from the war, the Ohrid agreement<br />

creates a win-win combination.<br />

During normal assessments there are<br />

no losers and there are standard, legal,<br />

international grounds <strong>for</strong> balancing<br />

ethnocultural identities. The<br />

Agreement does not set <strong>for</strong>th solutions<br />

<strong>for</strong> minority rights beyond what is<br />

considered standard and all solutions<br />

can be traced to the framework convention<br />

of national minorities or in the<br />

Council of Europe's Charter <strong>for</strong><br />

Minority Languages. It affirms the<br />

unity of the state, sets up grounds <strong>for</strong><br />

significant power sharing, puts individual<br />

human rights first with a significant<br />

level of protective rights <strong>for</strong> cultural<br />

identity (that have collective<br />

implementation), etc.<br />

Soon after the signing and the<br />

implementation of the constitutional<br />

amendments it was concluded that the<br />

civil dimension of the political system<br />

had not been jeopardized.<br />

The extremists were disappointed<br />

and the criminal Albanian gangs continued<br />

to unsettle the mostly Albanian<br />

population in the villages with kidnappings,<br />

murders and robberies. The<br />

capacity of those destabilizing factors<br />

is not so great as to jeopardize the stabilization<br />

based on the new relations<br />

established with the Agreement.<br />

Those "new" relations were not so<br />

new that they had to be understood as<br />

such. They promoted a new Albanian<br />

political presence and exhausted the<br />

option of violent clashing as a political<br />

plat<strong>for</strong>m. Most importantly, the<br />

agreement engaged the international<br />

community, actors who require a successful<br />

outcome. The situation is still<br />

the same, and it is being promoted<br />

with the same attention. The<br />

Macedonians accepted the agreement<br />

regardless of the feeling that it has<br />

been imposed by war. In essence it<br />

strengthened the state internationally,<br />

although it weakened its control over<br />

the area while it was in the renewal<br />

phase.<br />

The most important short-term<br />

objectives of the implementation of the<br />

Ohrid Agreement would be: to<br />

strengthen the efficiency of the state's<br />

control over the area and so-called<br />

human security; to guarantee the rights<br />

of those "new" minorities in the municipalities<br />

in which Albanians are a<br />

majority; to continue the political<br />

struggle <strong>for</strong> full implementation<br />

together, including the marginalization<br />

of ethnonationalists who feed on<br />

bizarre interpretations of the agreement<br />

provisions and the slow pace of the<br />

implementation of some of its parts.<br />

(The author is a<br />

university professor)<br />

Why doesn't the<br />

Albanian population in<br />

Skopje lead a cultural life?<br />

Ali Aliu<br />

Albanian demographers think<br />

that Skopje's urban centre alone<br />

has approximately 100,000<br />

Albanian citizens, while together<br />

with the surrounding area, the<br />

number doubles. With occasional<br />

absences, I have lived in Skopje<br />

since the end of the '50s of the<br />

past century. Even then, Skopje<br />

had a teacher's college, Albanian<br />

drama under the rubric of the<br />

Theatre of Nationalities, the<br />

weekly newspaper Flaka and the<br />

Albanian program on Radio<br />

Skopje.… Of course, the number<br />

of Albanian citizens would be<br />

smaller then. Years after that, the<br />

editorial staff of Flaka founded a<br />

publishing department and the<br />

literary magazine Jehona.<br />

These were all the cultural,<br />

educational and media organs that<br />

covered Skopje and the Albanian<br />

population in Macedonia. If we<br />

observe carefully, we will notice<br />

that the same scheme and structure-in<br />

culture, education and media-has<br />

remained unchanged <strong>for</strong> Skopje<br />

and in large part <strong>for</strong> all the<br />

Albanians in this country, with<br />

minor variations.<br />

* * *<br />

I have asked myself on several<br />

occasions why Skopje, with so<br />

many Albanians, doesn't succeed<br />

in creating the ambience <strong>for</strong> cultural,<br />

educational and media life<br />

Two years of the ohrid agreement, August 2003

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