Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
Polyparty-ism - Search for Common Ground
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130<br />
tions; the President of the Republic<br />
practically led the discussion with his<br />
team being superior to the other representatives<br />
of the Macedonian political<br />
entities.<br />
INTERNATIONAL<br />
GUARANTEES<br />
International guarantors of the<br />
agreement (and this is a rule <strong>for</strong> successful<br />
agreements) must possess<br />
enough authority to establish a framework<br />
and a lasting agreement. They<br />
should provide what is known as carrot-and-stick<br />
measures. They provide<br />
clear-cut and decisive threats which<br />
effectively penalize and marginalize<br />
any violators of the agreement. They<br />
also provide some sort of assistance<br />
package and further international integration<br />
<strong>for</strong> successful implementation<br />
of the agreement.<br />
In spite of much critic<strong>ism</strong> entangled<br />
in the mist of frustration stemming<br />
from the war, the Ohrid agreement<br />
creates a win-win combination.<br />
During normal assessments there are<br />
no losers and there are standard, legal,<br />
international grounds <strong>for</strong> balancing<br />
ethnocultural identities. The<br />
Agreement does not set <strong>for</strong>th solutions<br />
<strong>for</strong> minority rights beyond what is<br />
considered standard and all solutions<br />
can be traced to the framework convention<br />
of national minorities or in the<br />
Council of Europe's Charter <strong>for</strong><br />
Minority Languages. It affirms the<br />
unity of the state, sets up grounds <strong>for</strong><br />
significant power sharing, puts individual<br />
human rights first with a significant<br />
level of protective rights <strong>for</strong> cultural<br />
identity (that have collective<br />
implementation), etc.<br />
Soon after the signing and the<br />
implementation of the constitutional<br />
amendments it was concluded that the<br />
civil dimension of the political system<br />
had not been jeopardized.<br />
The extremists were disappointed<br />
and the criminal Albanian gangs continued<br />
to unsettle the mostly Albanian<br />
population in the villages with kidnappings,<br />
murders and robberies. The<br />
capacity of those destabilizing factors<br />
is not so great as to jeopardize the stabilization<br />
based on the new relations<br />
established with the Agreement.<br />
Those "new" relations were not so<br />
new that they had to be understood as<br />
such. They promoted a new Albanian<br />
political presence and exhausted the<br />
option of violent clashing as a political<br />
plat<strong>for</strong>m. Most importantly, the<br />
agreement engaged the international<br />
community, actors who require a successful<br />
outcome. The situation is still<br />
the same, and it is being promoted<br />
with the same attention. The<br />
Macedonians accepted the agreement<br />
regardless of the feeling that it has<br />
been imposed by war. In essence it<br />
strengthened the state internationally,<br />
although it weakened its control over<br />
the area while it was in the renewal<br />
phase.<br />
The most important short-term<br />
objectives of the implementation of the<br />
Ohrid Agreement would be: to<br />
strengthen the efficiency of the state's<br />
control over the area and so-called<br />
human security; to guarantee the rights<br />
of those "new" minorities in the municipalities<br />
in which Albanians are a<br />
majority; to continue the political<br />
struggle <strong>for</strong> full implementation<br />
together, including the marginalization<br />
of ethnonationalists who feed on<br />
bizarre interpretations of the agreement<br />
provisions and the slow pace of the<br />
implementation of some of its parts.<br />
(The author is a<br />
university professor)<br />
Why doesn't the<br />
Albanian population in<br />
Skopje lead a cultural life?<br />
Ali Aliu<br />
Albanian demographers think<br />
that Skopje's urban centre alone<br />
has approximately 100,000<br />
Albanian citizens, while together<br />
with the surrounding area, the<br />
number doubles. With occasional<br />
absences, I have lived in Skopje<br />
since the end of the '50s of the<br />
past century. Even then, Skopje<br />
had a teacher's college, Albanian<br />
drama under the rubric of the<br />
Theatre of Nationalities, the<br />
weekly newspaper Flaka and the<br />
Albanian program on Radio<br />
Skopje.… Of course, the number<br />
of Albanian citizens would be<br />
smaller then. Years after that, the<br />
editorial staff of Flaka founded a<br />
publishing department and the<br />
literary magazine Jehona.<br />
These were all the cultural,<br />
educational and media organs that<br />
covered Skopje and the Albanian<br />
population in Macedonia. If we<br />
observe carefully, we will notice<br />
that the same scheme and structure-in<br />
culture, education and media-has<br />
remained unchanged <strong>for</strong> Skopje<br />
and in large part <strong>for</strong> all the<br />
Albanians in this country, with<br />
minor variations.<br />
* * *<br />
I have asked myself on several<br />
occasions why Skopje, with so<br />
many Albanians, doesn't succeed<br />
in creating the ambience <strong>for</strong> cultural,<br />
educational and media life<br />
Two years of the ohrid agreement, August 2003