Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
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KATHRIN REFERENCES LITERATUR LOER<br />
OEM-side. Different reports and consultancy<br />
studies forecast a promising economic future<br />
for the mega suppliers because of vertical<br />
disintegration of tasks, growing specialization<br />
and the need for flexibility (Mercer<br />
Management Consulting 2004, Verband der<br />
deutschen Automobilindustrie (VDA) 2003,<br />
Kinkel, Zanker 2007, Kinkel, Lay 2005). In<br />
an extreme scenario, one could think about<br />
task sharing to such an extent that the OEM<br />
is “merely” responsible for marketing and<br />
distribution as well as for the management of<br />
the automotive brand(s), whereas the supplier<br />
industry performs all steps of the production.<br />
Research and development in the development<br />
of a new automobile model is also vertically<br />
disintegrated. Considering such a high impact<br />
for supplier companies regarding production<br />
activities, one could raise the question<br />
whether relocation of production sites may<br />
be economically advisable to escape high-cost<br />
countries (e.g. Germany or Austria). From the<br />
perspective of (Western) European automobile<br />
producers, this question is asked again given<br />
very attractive conditions for production<br />
activities in Central and Eastern Europe as<br />
well as their proximity to the automobile<br />
producer’s headquarters in France, Germany,<br />
Italy etc. Indeed, the automotive industry<br />
can be identified as a pioneer regarding the<br />
constitution of new sites in Central and Eastern<br />
Europe, not only since the “iron curtain” fell in<br />
1989 (Bandelj 2008) but also with investments<br />
of GM and Suzuki, for example, in Hungary<br />
already in the early 1980s (Sadler, Swain 1994).<br />
As this was the case for the OEM, the supplier<br />
industry also realized the new opportunities or<br />
was forced to follow the OEMs to gain new<br />
contracts.<br />
The automobile industry retains a large volume<br />
of employment as (despite a high degree of<br />
automation) the assembly of automobiles still<br />
requires manpower on a large scale, especially<br />
for the production of certain supply parts as<br />
well as during the last steps of the assembly line.<br />
Workers in the automotive sector unionized<br />
and founded workers’ councils in the early years,<br />
which continuously grew and developed in the<br />
second half of the last century. Particularly in<br />
Europe the development of the automobile<br />
industry was accompanied by the growth of<br />
trade unions (metal unions). Hence, in this<br />
paper the perspective on enterprise’s strategies<br />
and interdependencies between the OEM and<br />
the supplier industry is complemented by the<br />
perspective on power and powerlessness of the<br />
workers’ councils. Negotiation and bargaining<br />
processes between the workers’ councils of the<br />
traditional and established production sites<br />
“at home” influence business and investment<br />
strategies – not only of the respective company<br />
but also of the dependent companies in<br />
the supply-chain (Cooke 2006, Marginson,<br />
Meardi 2006, Doellgast, Greer 2007). The<br />
same is true by looking the other way around:<br />
business and investment strategies as well as<br />
high cost pressure can force the organized<br />
labour of one company to concede or give<br />
up standards or previous conditions or – to<br />
mention an extreme case – to capitulate.<br />
This very brief sketch of major developments<br />
may lead to the assumption<br />
that the supplier companies that survived<br />
the consolidation process and<br />
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grew in the course of joint ventures<br />
and takeovers turn out to be the part of the automotive<br />
sector that continues to achieve high<br />
employment rates and are important, or even