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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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AGNIESZKA REFERENCES LITERATUR K. CIANCIARA<br />

nationally, actors are poorly socialized to<br />

develop the necessary strategies at the EU<br />

level. For instance, consultations and public<br />

hearings are poorly institutionalized in Poland,<br />

which is impeding active engagement in similar<br />

practices in the Brussels arena.<br />

Polish lobbying at the European level is also<br />

characterized by an ad hoc approach. On one<br />

hand, this is due to high costs of permanent<br />

presence in Brussels. On the other hand,<br />

companies still do not possess the awareness<br />

as to the importance of the continuous opinion-shaping<br />

at the EU level. They often limit<br />

themselves to the participation in works of an<br />

EU-level trade association but use it more for<br />

an informative purpose than active interest<br />

representation. The lack of long-term planning<br />

and continuity in business strategies might be<br />

considered a result of a specific economic culture<br />

derived from the post-communist heritage,<br />

in particular business-politics relations<br />

in state-owned companies. Meanwhile, the ad<br />

hoc practice of ‘arranging things’ is fully dysfunctional<br />

in the formalized and highly institutionalized<br />

lobbying environment of the EU.<br />

CONCLUSIONS<br />

Specificities of Polish capitalism are particularly<br />

well reflected in existing patterns of businesspolitics<br />

relations and lobbying. In this<br />

article, I looked at how the post-communist<br />

heritage, transferred into the institutions of<br />

Polish ‘advanced emerging market’, affects<br />

representation of economic interests at both<br />

national and European levels. I made an attempt<br />

to explain the relative ineffectiveness of Polish<br />

lobbying in Brussels, while going beyond the<br />

critical resources approach and pointing to<br />

the characteristics of the CEE institutional<br />

and organizational environment. It seems that<br />

the perceived ineffectiveness results from the<br />

incompatibility of the hybrid, post-communist<br />

socialization context with the institutions of<br />

consolidated democracy and developed market<br />

economy at the EU level.<br />

As stated above, various forms of businesspolitics<br />

relations co-exist in Poland, depending<br />

on the sector, ownership structure, size<br />

and resources of the company, as well as socialization<br />

background of the management.<br />

The partial consolidation of economic elites,<br />

also resulting from the opportunities offered<br />

by EU membership and internationalization<br />

of economic activities, is not yet translated<br />

into effective mobilization of Polish business<br />

interests at the European level. The critical<br />

resources approach neither fully explains the<br />

low level of mobilization in the EU arena, nor<br />

the use of strategies that are not adequate to<br />

the European rules of the game. Among other<br />

explanatory factors proposed, one can find the<br />

argument about the embeddedness in domestic<br />

networks where specific, post-communist<br />

types of business-politics relations dominate.<br />

Clientelistic and oligarchic strategies practiced<br />

in Poland cannot be successfully used in<br />

the European environment, in particular due<br />

to the high level of autonomy of economic<br />

and political elites, as well as scarcity<br />

of Polish politicians and officials occupying<br />

key posts. A lack of tradition Seite Page page 57<br />

and institutionalization of pluralistic<br />

interest representation and civil society,<br />

together with weak financial and human<br />

resources of business organizations, further<br />

obstruct the capacity to exert influence.

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