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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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POLISH BUSINESS REFERENCES LITERATUR – POLITICS RELATIONS<br />

developed market economies shows, the latter<br />

are never completely eliminated, no matter<br />

how advanced transparency and consultation<br />

procedures are.<br />

It is stressed that the low level of autonomy of<br />

economic elites, typical for the transformation<br />

phase, is reflected in clientelistic relations<br />

of state-owned companies and oligarchic<br />

relations of biggest national private companies<br />

with decision makers ( Jasiecki, 2004,<br />

2008). Another important element is poor<br />

organization and interest representation of<br />

SMEs - small and medium-sized enterprises<br />

(they account for 99.8% of all companies in<br />

Poland). Under such conditions professional<br />

lobbying strategies are used almost exclusively<br />

by foreign and multinational companies, as<br />

they dispose of much higher levels of autonomy<br />

vis-a-vis national political elites.<br />

Thus, if ownership structure and size of firms<br />

are taken as key variables, four strategies of<br />

business-politics relations can be enumerated.<br />

These strategies are typical for economic elites<br />

of the transformation phase, undergoing<br />

a process of professionalization. Whereas<br />

clientelism is the characteristic of relations<br />

maintained by state-owned companies<br />

(especially heavy industry and energy sectors),<br />

the largest Polish private firms tend to exploit<br />

oligarchic links 7 . In terms of professional<br />

interest representation, such strategies<br />

constitute pathological behaviour,<br />

Seite Page page 52<br />

generating corruption and suboptimal<br />

distribution of resources. In Poland,<br />

the most emblematic example of<br />

political-economic clientelism is delivered by<br />

sectoral networks forming a closed system<br />

of interdependence between politicians,<br />

management of state-owned companies (usually<br />

party-affiliated) and economic environment of<br />

these companies (Gadowska, 2002; Jasiecki,<br />

2004). In fact, decisions-making processes in<br />

these companies depend on current, shortterm<br />

party interest and particularistic personal<br />

gains, and not on economic calculation. In<br />

case of highly symbiotic, oligarchic relations,<br />

a company monopolizes delivery of certain<br />

services to the state and relies on a single<br />

client – the state, while avoiding competition<br />

on the market. Cost on the state budget is very<br />

high, while size and certainty of state contracts<br />

guaranteed by public funding enable the<br />

emergence of huge fortunes at low risk, thus<br />

creating conditions for the so-called ‘political<br />

capitalism’ (Staniszkis, 2001).<br />

However, a question emerges, whether patterns<br />

described above persist, petrifying businesspolitics<br />

relations typical for the period of<br />

economic and political transformation to<br />

capitalism? Or, whether they are becoming<br />

marginalized with the progression of the<br />

consolidation phase of market economy and new<br />

economic elites? On the one hand, the post-<br />

2004 expansion of Polish private capital (slightly<br />

mitigated by the 2008 crisis) both domestically<br />

and abroad, together with the incremental<br />

Europeanization of public administration,<br />

seems to confirm the consolidation hypothesis.<br />

On the other hand, despite recent political<br />

declarations, the privatization process is not<br />

accelerating and governance standards in public<br />

sector are not improving.<br />

Equally, the public affairs market in Poland is<br />

not yet developed. Few domestic companies<br />

are operating, with their services focused<br />

mostly on foreign players. Subsidiaries of

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