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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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AGNIESZKA REFERENCES LITERATUR K. CIANCIARA<br />

resulting from the late and largely obsolete<br />

industrialization under state socialism.<br />

In the Polish case, a crucial role was played<br />

in the privatization process by multinational<br />

corporations, which ensured capital, technology,<br />

know-how and access to foreign markets for<br />

the restructured companies. However, the first<br />

transformation phase was to a large extent<br />

dominated by capitalism from above created<br />

by the economic and technocratic elites of<br />

the ancien regime. Finally, success of private<br />

companies that did not have access to resources<br />

of the socialist economy, only became visible<br />

after the year 2000. The economic crisis in the<br />

late ‘90s eliminated actors that relied mostly on<br />

political resources and were not able to cope<br />

with requirements of the competitive market<br />

economy. The expansion of Polish private<br />

capital was also accelerated by EU membership<br />

and prospects for greater internationalization<br />

of Polish firms. However, it appears that<br />

Europeanization of economic activities has<br />

been progressing faster than Europeanization<br />

of interest representation.<br />

Polish capitalism is thus characterized by a<br />

relatively large public sector (slow pace of<br />

privatization), weak corporate governance<br />

mechanisms (especially in public sector), a<br />

relatively poor business climate, inefficient<br />

governance structures of the state, weak<br />

economic and political culturea, as well as weak<br />

institutionalization of interest representation.<br />

The public sector accounts for approximately 3%<br />

of firms operating in Poland. However, 7 out<br />

of the 10 largest companies in the year 2008<br />

were at least partially state-owned (‘500 biggest<br />

firms in Poland’ by daily Rzeczpospolita, 2009).<br />

In 2005, 162 (12.5%) of 1300 biggest firms<br />

in Poland were at least partially state-owned,<br />

but they generated 22.5% of net income and<br />

employed more than 40% of the workforce<br />

(CASE, 2007). Though in the years 2002-<br />

2007 the number of public firms among the<br />

500 biggest companies decreased from 128<br />

to 81, this was linked to the rapid expansion<br />

of Polish private capital after joining the<br />

EU in 2004, rather than to the process of<br />

privatization. The level of internationalization<br />

of Polish firms is still low and 96.3% of them<br />

are micro-firms, employing up to 9 people<br />

(Ministry of Economy, 2009).<br />

Weaknesses of the corporate governance system<br />

are particularly visible in the biggest stateowned<br />

companies 5 . In post-communist state,<br />

due to private capital shortages, the German<br />

(internal control through supervisory board),<br />

rather than Anglo-Saxon system (external<br />

control mechanisms by dispersed shareholders)<br />

was introduced. However, Central-European<br />

experience shows that control is much<br />

more effective when a company is being<br />

restructured by a foreign strategic investor.<br />

In case of continuous state ownership,<br />

the commercialization of the enterprise<br />

constitutes only a minor adjustment to formal<br />

market requirements, while petrifying existing<br />

economic, political and social networks of<br />

informal nature. Consequently, supervisory<br />

and executive boards of state-owned<br />

companies often demonstrate classic<br />

traits of political corruption ( Jarosz, Seite Page page 49<br />

2006). These executives are strongly<br />

embedded in political elites, thus the<br />

rotation in these posts depends on the current<br />

constellation of the unstable political scene.<br />

Posts are perceived as rewards for party loyalty,

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