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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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POLISH BUSINESS REFERENCES LITERATUR – POLITICS RELATIONS<br />

INTRODUCTION<br />

Twenty years after the fall of communism,<br />

Central-European member states of the<br />

EU are still struggling with the transition to<br />

democratic market capitalism (Hancke, et al.,<br />

2007). It is argued that the Polish economy<br />

has not yet reached the level of institutional<br />

development comparable to developed economies<br />

of Western Europe. According to the<br />

World Bank, in 2009 Poland was still classified<br />

as an ‘emerging market’, although it shifted,<br />

together with Hungary, to the sub-group of<br />

‘advanced emerging markets’ 1 . Economically,<br />

Poland should be perceived, in the light<br />

of the theory of world system, in terms of<br />

‘semi-periphery’ or ‘internal periphery’ of<br />

the European Union ( Jasiecki, 2004). Other<br />

authors differentiate between Visegrad and<br />

Baltic countries, while treating the latter as<br />

‘semi-periphery’ and characterizing the former<br />

by ‘semi-core’ features (Greskovits, 2008).<br />

In this article, I argue that differences in the<br />

development of capitalism and market economy<br />

between the Western and Eastern members of<br />

the European Union (EU) are translated into<br />

divergent patterns of relations between politics<br />

and business at the national level. In turn, these<br />

patterns affect mobilization, resources and<br />

strategies of business representatives at the EU<br />

level. The EU business lobbying environment<br />

is determined by Western models<br />

of consolidated democracy and<br />

Seite Page page 46<br />

developed market economy. Thus,<br />

the observed institutional differences<br />

between national CEE and European<br />

levels explain, to a significant extent, the<br />

perceived ineffectiveness of Polish national<br />

lobbying in EU institutions. Both scholars<br />

and public affairs practitioners would argue<br />

that the effectiveness of lobbyists in the EU<br />

depends on the position and function lobbying<br />

occupies in their country of origin (Van<br />

Schendelen, 1994, p. 15; Greenwood, 2007,<br />

p. 14; Chorus, 05.03.2007). Consequently,<br />

in order to analyze strengths and weaknesses<br />

of national interest representation, one must<br />

look at the institutional environment at the<br />

national level, which provides opportunities<br />

but also constraints and barriers to active<br />

and effective lobbying strategies. Among the<br />

intervening variables, one does not only find<br />

the critical resource dependencies (Beyres<br />

& Kerremans, 2007), but also institutional,<br />

structural and normative specificities of the<br />

Central-European context of post-communist<br />

(advanced) emerging economy.<br />

The particularities of Central-European, or<br />

in this case Polish, capitalism stem from the<br />

incomplete consolidation of the formal market<br />

institutions, as well as from the informal socialist<br />

heritage, which is present in the spheres of both<br />

economic and political governance. Within the<br />

transformation process, the emerging marketoriented<br />

network of institutions is constrained<br />

by path dependency. Thus transformation is of<br />

incremental and continuous nature, as various<br />

actors attempt to improve their situation by<br />

forcing subsequent institutional changes (North,<br />

1999). Consequently, the socialist burden and<br />

the three simultaneous processes of change<br />

(transformation to capitalism and democracy,<br />

Europeanization 2 and globalization) have<br />

created a hybrid environment of formal and<br />

informal institutions. This hybrid institutional<br />

context plays a crucial role regarding relations<br />

between the state and economic, political and<br />

business elites.

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