Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
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POLISH BUSINESS REFERENCES LITERATUR – POLITICS RELATIONS<br />
INTRODUCTION<br />
Twenty years after the fall of communism,<br />
Central-European member states of the<br />
EU are still struggling with the transition to<br />
democratic market capitalism (Hancke, et al.,<br />
2007). It is argued that the Polish economy<br />
has not yet reached the level of institutional<br />
development comparable to developed economies<br />
of Western Europe. According to the<br />
World Bank, in 2009 Poland was still classified<br />
as an ‘emerging market’, although it shifted,<br />
together with Hungary, to the sub-group of<br />
‘advanced emerging markets’ 1 . Economically,<br />
Poland should be perceived, in the light<br />
of the theory of world system, in terms of<br />
‘semi-periphery’ or ‘internal periphery’ of<br />
the European Union ( Jasiecki, 2004). Other<br />
authors differentiate between Visegrad and<br />
Baltic countries, while treating the latter as<br />
‘semi-periphery’ and characterizing the former<br />
by ‘semi-core’ features (Greskovits, 2008).<br />
In this article, I argue that differences in the<br />
development of capitalism and market economy<br />
between the Western and Eastern members of<br />
the European Union (EU) are translated into<br />
divergent patterns of relations between politics<br />
and business at the national level. In turn, these<br />
patterns affect mobilization, resources and<br />
strategies of business representatives at the EU<br />
level. The EU business lobbying environment<br />
is determined by Western models<br />
of consolidated democracy and<br />
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developed market economy. Thus,<br />
the observed institutional differences<br />
between national CEE and European<br />
levels explain, to a significant extent, the<br />
perceived ineffectiveness of Polish national<br />
lobbying in EU institutions. Both scholars<br />
and public affairs practitioners would argue<br />
that the effectiveness of lobbyists in the EU<br />
depends on the position and function lobbying<br />
occupies in their country of origin (Van<br />
Schendelen, 1994, p. 15; Greenwood, 2007,<br />
p. 14; Chorus, 05.03.2007). Consequently,<br />
in order to analyze strengths and weaknesses<br />
of national interest representation, one must<br />
look at the institutional environment at the<br />
national level, which provides opportunities<br />
but also constraints and barriers to active<br />
and effective lobbying strategies. Among the<br />
intervening variables, one does not only find<br />
the critical resource dependencies (Beyres<br />
& Kerremans, 2007), but also institutional,<br />
structural and normative specificities of the<br />
Central-European context of post-communist<br />
(advanced) emerging economy.<br />
The particularities of Central-European, or<br />
in this case Polish, capitalism stem from the<br />
incomplete consolidation of the formal market<br />
institutions, as well as from the informal socialist<br />
heritage, which is present in the spheres of both<br />
economic and political governance. Within the<br />
transformation process, the emerging marketoriented<br />
network of institutions is constrained<br />
by path dependency. Thus transformation is of<br />
incremental and continuous nature, as various<br />
actors attempt to improve their situation by<br />
forcing subsequent institutional changes (North,<br />
1999). Consequently, the socialist burden and<br />
the three simultaneous processes of change<br />
(transformation to capitalism and democracy,<br />
Europeanization 2 and globalization) have<br />
created a hybrid environment of formal and<br />
informal institutions. This hybrid institutional<br />
context plays a crucial role regarding relations<br />
between the state and economic, political and<br />
business elites.