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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS REFERENCES LITERATUR IN THE UKRAINE<br />

Seite page 234<br />

presence to five branches (teachers, miners,<br />

transportations, medical workers and football<br />

players) but remained too small to break the<br />

dominance of ex-official unions.<br />

Remarkably, throughout 1994-1996 the leaders<br />

of independent trade unions could not work<br />

out an effective work strategy in conditions<br />

of economic crises (Razumkov Centre 1997).<br />

With the background of harsh economic<br />

conditions, these unions lacked organizational<br />

experience and technical capacities except<br />

organizing militant actions. While the FPU<br />

employed one of the best economists and<br />

lawyers, independent unions could employ<br />

experts only – mostly those who could not find<br />

another job. However, financial resources of<br />

these unions were limited (interviews). It also<br />

lacked experienced leaders in newly emerging<br />

enterprise-based unions, as the capacity of the<br />

KVPU to educate all new-comers was also<br />

restricted. It should be recognized that such<br />

a disadvantage originates from the initially<br />

unequal starting conditions of both – ex-official<br />

and independent unions. While the former<br />

retained and expanded their financial base (as<br />

described in the previous section), alternative<br />

trade unions could solely offer their members<br />

benefits of the solidarity-driven struggle for<br />

better life but none of immediate material<br />

benefits implicitly expected by workers.<br />

Meanwhile, the non-agreement of these unions<br />

with the prevailing consumerist-like<br />

union-worker relationships makes<br />

further attempts at expansion more<br />

resource-demanding.<br />

The expansion of independent trade unions<br />

within the traditional core branches of the<br />

economy (coal-mining and metallurgy)<br />

coincide with the consolidation of oligarchies<br />

and financial-industrial groups. The resulting<br />

harassment and persecution of the free<br />

trade unions intensified in the late 1990s<br />

under Kuchma’s Presidency. Between 2002<br />

and 2004, the KVPU President was beaten<br />

five times by the police in public places. His<br />

family members were persecuted and in 2004<br />

his son was kidnapped and heavily beaten.<br />

Leaders of regional and local trade union<br />

organizations were persecuted, as well. Many<br />

newly established local union organizations<br />

were literally immediately destroyed either by<br />

local authorities or employers and independent<br />

unions (interviews and the numerous KVPU’s<br />

complaints to the ILO). Because of the heavy<br />

persecution and harassment, the KVPU filed a<br />

complaint to the ILO Committee on Freedom<br />

of Association (Case 2388). While it took<br />

the ILO and the government several years to<br />

investigate the complaint, the government<br />

tried to deny any assaults and kept excluding<br />

the KVPU representatives from the delegations<br />

to the annual ILO conferences. It is only after<br />

2004 when Yushenko came to be elected<br />

President of Ukraine did the constraints on<br />

the Confederation’s activities on the part of the<br />

government became looser.<br />

As the example of independent miners’ unions<br />

demonstrates, the prospects of the collective<br />

action, more common in the independent than<br />

ex-official trade unions, have been constrained,<br />

as no law on industrial protests was adopted<br />

and no procedures for their solution put in<br />

place. At that point of time, making actions<br />

illegal appears an easy means to prevent them.<br />

It is worth noting that the adoption of the<br />

law on collective labour disputes (see above)<br />

correlated with the decline in union militancy.

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