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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS REFERENCES LITERATUR IN THE UKRAINE<br />

And instead of receiving increases in wages,<br />

workers received discounted holiday vouchers<br />

and holiday presents. Here trade unions<br />

appeared as an entity external to workers and<br />

in which workers’ involvement and participation<br />

was restricted to the obedience to labour<br />

discipline and productivity targets. Workers<br />

find points of contact with the unions only in<br />

relation to their social and welfare interests.<br />

Hence, beyond atomizing workers (Ashwin<br />

1996, 1999), system legacies find its expression<br />

in structuring union-workers’ relationships not<br />

along representation but rather consumerism.<br />

This nature of the linkages between unions<br />

and workers also continues, to a large extent,<br />

to structure union-workers relationships post-<br />

1991 25 .<br />

Shortly before the collapse of the Soviet Union,<br />

there appeared the signs of the activization<br />

of the union movement outside the existing<br />

union structures. These predictions of union<br />

change were initially inspired miners’ strikes<br />

of late 80-s in Russia and Ukraine. Notably,<br />

workers’ militancy resulted in the emergence<br />

of alternative union-like structures, giving the<br />

first split to the monolithic unionism model<br />

existing so far. Initially identified as striking<br />

committees, workers’ self-organizations are<br />

developed later on into trade union organizations<br />

(interviews).<br />

As unions’ militancy over time has<br />

decline and current wage levels signalled<br />

unions’ inability in these areas,<br />

Seite page 228<br />

it became clear that neither ex-official<br />

nor alternative trade unions were<br />

ready to fully overtake the function of workers’<br />

protection. In the literature, alternative unions<br />

were perceived as playing no significant role<br />

in IR, facing marginalization or slipping back<br />

into a traditional mould (Clarke und Fairbrother<br />

1994). Meanwhile, the Ukrainian cases<br />

deserves attention, as the share of trade unions<br />

affiliated with the ex-official Federation of<br />

Trade Unions of Ukraine (FPU) shrank from<br />

100 per cent in 1993 to claimed 55.8 per cent<br />

in 2004. In contrast, trade union organizations<br />

belonging to other trade union federations<br />

increased threefold during 2000-2004 (Chernyshev<br />

2006).<br />

Upon closer examination, it becomes clear<br />

that in case of Ukraine one speaks not about<br />

pure fragmentation of union movements along<br />

old-style ex-official and newly established<br />

alternative unions, but indeed, along different<br />

visions of unionisms. In particular, on the way<br />

towards finding their role and niche in the patterns<br />

of organized interest representation, one<br />

finds unionisms in Ukraine differentiating in<br />

terms of their ideologies and identities, organizational<br />

structures, prioritized resources, and<br />

a set of relationships with members, employers<br />

and the state. Sometimes (e.g. in case of conflict<br />

articulation as Kozina (2005) shows) they<br />

even oppose each other. As the processes of the<br />

searches on such dimensions are still on-going<br />

(and the framework of IR is still in making),<br />

such formative processes of different unionisms<br />

provide useful insights into the prospects of<br />

the transformation of IR in Ukraine. Notably,<br />

both unionisms are placed into a set of different<br />

immediate external conditions (defined by<br />

relationships with employers and authorities);<br />

and managers are more likely to deal with exofficial<br />

than independent unions.<br />

The current union density in Ukraine still constitutes<br />

approximately 50% of the workforce

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