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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS REFERENCES LITERATUR IN THE UKRAINE<br />

poned by union pressure until certain amendments<br />

by trade unions were incorporated<br />

(KVPU, new release of 27.05.2009). Unlike<br />

in Russia, where a strongly neo-liberal Labour<br />

Code has been in place since 2000, Ukrainian<br />

trade unions were more pro-active in delaying<br />

the de-regulation process 18 .<br />

The effects of the new labour legislation will<br />

be deteriorating for workers and weaken trade<br />

unions in their protective capacity. The work<br />

day will be prolonged to 10 hours (compared<br />

to 8 hour-days at present). Employers will dismiss<br />

workers within two weeks without union<br />

approval. They will regulate enterprise-based<br />

IR by means of their own internal provisions.<br />

The new code no longer obliges employers to<br />

sign collective agreements nor report on their<br />

implementation. For disputes related to agreements<br />

they can no longer be taken to labour<br />

courts. In a similar manner, employers will no<br />

longer be obliged to provide unions with office<br />

premises or check-off systems of dues 19 .<br />

COLLECTIVE BARGAINING<br />

Collective bargaining in the existing form has<br />

been present in Ukraine since 1993 20 . It was<br />

introduced as an institution aiming at the<br />

regulation of labour relations and socio-economic<br />

interest of both workers and employers<br />

and extended to all levels and forms<br />

of ownership. First in the history of<br />

Seite page 226<br />

its existence, bargaining was designed<br />

according to the principles (Conventions<br />

and Recommendations) of the<br />

ILO. As a result, in 1995 a mechanism was set<br />

to increase wages through the development of<br />

negotiatable coefficients.<br />

However, in spite of the growing number<br />

of collective agreements, its effectiveness<br />

remained low. Workers did not consider<br />

bargaining to be their responsibility; and collective<br />

bargaining remained an act to be done<br />

between the administration and trade union<br />

committee. Yet both parties revealed a low<br />

degree of responsibility for the promotion of<br />

workers’ interests by means of collective agreements.<br />

Firstly, whereas the Federation of Trade<br />

Unions of Ukraine (FPU) alone unites around<br />

120,000 primary organizations, the total number<br />

of signed collective agreements as of 2007<br />

constituted only 95,781, almost half of which<br />

are in state administering (the highest number<br />

of agreements by sector), education, and health<br />

and social assistance (State Statistics Committee<br />

of Ukraine 2008). Respectively, collective<br />

agreements cover slightly under 10 million<br />

workers, only 82.4% of pay-roll workers and<br />

hardly extends to those not on pay-rolls.<br />

Secondly, employers spent (as of 2007) only 283<br />

hryvnya (equivalent to ca. 30 Euro) per worker<br />

as a result of additional benefits set by bargaining.<br />

Upom closer examination, it appears that<br />

collective agreements mostly re-state legal<br />

provisions, as the minimum tariff scales are the<br />

same as that in law in 70.8%, and in only 26.6%<br />

are they higher (State Statistics Committee of<br />

Ukraine 2008). 2.6% of agreements even set the<br />

tariff coefficient lower than those in law, while<br />

5.6% of agreements set lower tariff coefficients<br />

than in the Sectoral Agreement (the same<br />

source). Thirdly, officially the compliance with<br />

the collective agreements amounts to 94-96%<br />

in average (the same source). However, according<br />

to the Chief State Labour Inspector, Ihor<br />

Sumovs’ky, violations are detected in 90-95%<br />

of audited enterprises 21 . As these data demon-

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