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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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LYUDMYLA REFERENCES LITERATUR VOLYNETS<br />

There is no need to stress that living conditions<br />

of the Ukrainian population have deteriorated<br />

enormously since Ukraine gained<br />

independence. The transformation towards<br />

capitalism in its Ukrainian version has led to a<br />

deterioration in working conditions and workers’<br />

earnings, facilitating an erosion of social<br />

security. According to the People’s Security<br />

Survey conducted by the International Labour<br />

Organization and the State Statistics Committee<br />

of Ukraine in 2003, a monthly income<br />

per capita amounted to less than $100, 40% of<br />

wage earners suffered from wage arrears, over<br />

two-thirds were dissatisfied with their wages,<br />

and about 85% of adults could not even cover<br />

their healthcare needs.<br />

INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK OF IR IN<br />

UKRAINE<br />

In spite of pressures, the institutional framework<br />

in Ukraine is generously supportive of workers<br />

and unions. It allocates a broad scope of rights<br />

to trade unions to regulate employment, working<br />

conditions and workers’ pay. Surprisingly,<br />

unions have failed to derive maximum benefits<br />

from this. The inability to assert workers’ interest<br />

and interest antagonism and give effects to<br />

the collective bargaining represent their major<br />

failures. But the regulation of workers’ rights<br />

has been under attack and the processes of deregulation<br />

already begun. As the labour market<br />

is changing, so are the forms of employment. In<br />

contrast to full-time employment of indefinite<br />

duration, civil-law, self-employment, employment<br />

by small entrepreneurs and informal employment<br />

were introduced. All these emerging<br />

forms of work have hardly found any relevance<br />

with trade unions.<br />

LABOUR CODE<br />

The central piece of the codification of labour<br />

rights has been the Soviet Labour Code<br />

adopted in 1971. As in socialism, current<br />

labour legislation remains pre-conditioned on<br />

the employment contract and implicitly on<br />

trade union membership, thus leaving workers<br />

without the written labour contract and<br />

unions outside. Such conditionality goes back<br />

to the socialist regulatory traditions. The most<br />

detailed legal and administrative regulation of<br />

IR ever, the Soviet labour law, was designed<br />

in part to strengthen labour discipline and<br />

increase productivity (as opposed to defend<br />

workers). State paternalism implicitly excluded<br />

the voluntary regulation of work by workers<br />

and employers. Workers felt responsible for<br />

regulating everyday small issues but delegated<br />

all other responsibilities to the state. This is<br />

the case even today, as only less than ten per<br />

cent of workers would go to unions in cases<br />

of violations of their labour rights (Razumkov<br />

Centre 2001).<br />

With the background of influx economic<br />

developments and enterprise-specific changes,<br />

labour rights have remained heavily regulated<br />

through the Labour Code of 1971. The initial<br />

amendments of the Labour Code did not<br />

go beyond formal and superficial changes.<br />

A more intensive revision process that has<br />

been on-going since 2003 prompted<br />

a degree of the de-regulation. Summarized<br />

in the new draft and adopted Seite page 225<br />

in the first reading in 2008, the new<br />

Labour Code aimed to adjust labour<br />

legislation to market conditions, according to<br />

its initiators – surprisingly – from trade union<br />

leaders 17 . The adoption of this draft was post-

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