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Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena

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LYUDMYLA REFERENCES LITERATUR VOLYNETS<br />

VARIETIES OF UNIONISMS IN FSU<br />

Despite the introduction of pluralist principles<br />

across FSU countries, IR arenas do in fact<br />

continue to be dominated by previously existing<br />

(ex-official) trade unions. This situation hinges<br />

on differences in labour’s formative processes.<br />

Existing unions across FSU adapted their roles<br />

and conducted “cosmetic” reforms (Kabalina<br />

und Komarovsky 1997). Newly established<br />

unions, in order to develop their roles, initially<br />

embark on the contestation of arenas by means<br />

of collective action and strikes. As independent<br />

unions emerge, even if they fail to break the<br />

dominance of ex-official unions, they challenge<br />

their adaptive role which leads to rivalry and<br />

incoherence of labour movement across CIS 7 .<br />

The initial position from which ex-official<br />

unions in CIS countries entered the formation<br />

process was characterized by subordination, a<br />

“transmission-belts” identity, pro-management<br />

interest, and dependence on the resources<br />

provided by the state and management. New<br />

unions were established in protest to continuing<br />

subordination and a pro-management position<br />

of unions at the point when workers’ grievances<br />

multiplied (also Kubicek 2004). Both<br />

membership and resources were absorbed by<br />

former official unions and must be established<br />

from scratch by new unions. In fragile, semidemocratic<br />

regimes, democratic principles of<br />

unionism appear as embarrassing. Here, independent<br />

unions are viewed with suspicion by<br />

the presiding authorities and ex-official unions 8<br />

and are opposed by both.<br />

From these somewhat different starting conditions,<br />

there emerge different trajectories of<br />

union formation. For ex-official unions, striving<br />

to ensure their institutional survival and<br />

retaining their dominance becomes a priority.<br />

Ideally, in order to sustain long-term they<br />

need to break from subordination and acquire<br />

independence. For newly established unions,<br />

the formative processes are about the contestation<br />

of arenas dominated at present by the<br />

ex-official unions. They are about gaining recognition<br />

and extension of membership base. In<br />

the view of above mentioned differences, the<br />

kind and sources of union weaknesses cannot<br />

be generalized in the same manner for both<br />

former official and newly established unions.<br />

WEAKNESSES OF THE TRADE UNION MOVE-<br />

MENT IN THE CONDITIONS OF POST-SOCIALIST<br />

TRANSFORMATION<br />

Crowley (2001) and Crowley und Ost (2001)<br />

shaped the definition of union weaknesses<br />

while arguing that “… workers and unions<br />

were unable to shape conditions of work and<br />

public policy in accord with their interests…<br />

it has been the object and not the subject of<br />

the postcommunist reform” (Crowley und Ost<br />

2001: 219-220). In terms of aggregate macro<br />

indicators (e.g. membership decline, low wages<br />

and weak union input to policy-making),<br />

unions are correctly argued to remain weak.<br />

However, locally the issues of union weaknesses<br />

play out differently as the conditions of<br />

the same severities local IR outcomes vary 9 .<br />

For example, whereas union membership<br />

decline could be explained by Seite page 221<br />

structural factors 10 , notable is that former<br />

official and independent unions<br />

do not reveal similar membership dynamics.<br />

Here, the drastic fall in ex-official union density<br />

was contrasted by slow but steady growth

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