Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
Heft36 1 - SFB 580 - Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena
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LYUDMYLA REFERENCES LITERATUR VOLYNETS<br />
VARIETIES OF UNIONISMS IN FSU<br />
Despite the introduction of pluralist principles<br />
across FSU countries, IR arenas do in fact<br />
continue to be dominated by previously existing<br />
(ex-official) trade unions. This situation hinges<br />
on differences in labour’s formative processes.<br />
Existing unions across FSU adapted their roles<br />
and conducted “cosmetic” reforms (Kabalina<br />
und Komarovsky 1997). Newly established<br />
unions, in order to develop their roles, initially<br />
embark on the contestation of arenas by means<br />
of collective action and strikes. As independent<br />
unions emerge, even if they fail to break the<br />
dominance of ex-official unions, they challenge<br />
their adaptive role which leads to rivalry and<br />
incoherence of labour movement across CIS 7 .<br />
The initial position from which ex-official<br />
unions in CIS countries entered the formation<br />
process was characterized by subordination, a<br />
“transmission-belts” identity, pro-management<br />
interest, and dependence on the resources<br />
provided by the state and management. New<br />
unions were established in protest to continuing<br />
subordination and a pro-management position<br />
of unions at the point when workers’ grievances<br />
multiplied (also Kubicek 2004). Both<br />
membership and resources were absorbed by<br />
former official unions and must be established<br />
from scratch by new unions. In fragile, semidemocratic<br />
regimes, democratic principles of<br />
unionism appear as embarrassing. Here, independent<br />
unions are viewed with suspicion by<br />
the presiding authorities and ex-official unions 8<br />
and are opposed by both.<br />
From these somewhat different starting conditions,<br />
there emerge different trajectories of<br />
union formation. For ex-official unions, striving<br />
to ensure their institutional survival and<br />
retaining their dominance becomes a priority.<br />
Ideally, in order to sustain long-term they<br />
need to break from subordination and acquire<br />
independence. For newly established unions,<br />
the formative processes are about the contestation<br />
of arenas dominated at present by the<br />
ex-official unions. They are about gaining recognition<br />
and extension of membership base. In<br />
the view of above mentioned differences, the<br />
kind and sources of union weaknesses cannot<br />
be generalized in the same manner for both<br />
former official and newly established unions.<br />
WEAKNESSES OF THE TRADE UNION MOVE-<br />
MENT IN THE CONDITIONS OF POST-SOCIALIST<br />
TRANSFORMATION<br />
Crowley (2001) and Crowley und Ost (2001)<br />
shaped the definition of union weaknesses<br />
while arguing that “… workers and unions<br />
were unable to shape conditions of work and<br />
public policy in accord with their interests…<br />
it has been the object and not the subject of<br />
the postcommunist reform” (Crowley und Ost<br />
2001: 219-220). In terms of aggregate macro<br />
indicators (e.g. membership decline, low wages<br />
and weak union input to policy-making),<br />
unions are correctly argued to remain weak.<br />
However, locally the issues of union weaknesses<br />
play out differently as the conditions of<br />
the same severities local IR outcomes vary 9 .<br />
For example, whereas union membership<br />
decline could be explained by Seite page 221<br />
structural factors 10 , notable is that former<br />
official and independent unions<br />
do not reveal similar membership dynamics.<br />
Here, the drastic fall in ex-official union density<br />
was contrasted by slow but steady growth